AFRICAphonie AFRICAphonie is a Pan African Association which operates on the premise that AFRICA can only be what AFRICANS and their friends want AFRICA to be.
Jacob Nguni Virtuoso guitarist, writer and humorist. Former lead guitarist of Rocafil, led by Prince Nico Mbarga.
Postwatch Magazine A UMI (United Media Incorporated) publication. Specializing in well researched investigative reports, it focuses on the Cameroonian scene, particular issues of interest to the former British Southern Cameroons.
Bernard Fonlon Dr Bernard Fonlon was an extraordinary figure who left a large footprint in Cameroonian intellectual, social and political life.
PostNewsLine PostNewsLine is an interactive feature of 'The Post', an important newspaper published out of Buea, Cameroons.
France Watcher Purpose of this advocacy site: To aggregate all available information about French terror, exploitation and manipulation of Africa
Bakwerirama Spotlight on the Bakweri Society and Culture. The Bakweri are an indigenous African nation.
Simon Mol Cameroonian poet, writer, journalist and Human Rights activist living in Warsaw, Poland
Bate Besong Bate Besong, award-winning firebrand poet and playwright.
Fonlon-Nichols Award Website of the Literary Award established to honor the memory of BERNARD FONLON, the great Cameroonian teacher, writer, poet, and philosopher, who passionately defended human rights in an often oppressive political atmosphere.
Omoigui.com Professor of Medicine and interventional cardiologist, Nowa Omoigui is also one of the foremost experts and scholars on the history of the Nigerian Military and the Nigerian Civil War. This site contains many of his writings and comments on military subjects and history.
Victor Mbarika ICT Weblog Victor Wacham Agwe Mbarika is one of Africa's foremost experts on Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs). Dr. Mbarika's research interests are in the areas of information infrastructure diffusion in developing countries and multimedia learning.
Martin Jumbam The refreshingly, unique, incisive and generally hilarous writings about the foibles of African society and politics by former Cameroon Life Magazine columnist Martin Jumbam.
Enanga's POV Rosemary Ekosso, a Cameroonian novelist and blogger who lives and works in Cambodia.
Godfrey Tangwa aka Rotcod Gobata Renaissance man, philosophy professor, actor and newspaper columnist, Godfrey Tangwa aka Rotcod Gobata touches a wide array of subjects. Always entertaining and eminently readable. Visit for frequent updates.
Francis Nyamnjoh Francis B. Nyamnjoh is Associate Professor and Head of Publications and Dissemination with the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA).
Ilongo Sphere Novelist and poet Ilongo Fritz Ngalle, long concealed his artist's wings behind the firm exterior of a University administrator and guidance counsellor. No longer. Enjoy his unique poems and glimpses of upcoming novels and short stories.
When Southern Cameroonians resident in the diaspora learned of the strike organized by Southern Cameroonian Common Law advocates followed by yet another strike spearheaded by the Teachers' Union(TAC) we nodded in approval and started brainstorming ways and means to contribute materially in a bid to lend support to both movements. Right now we in the US are in the process of contributing dollars to send to Southern Cameroons.
The question I would like for the lawyers and teachers to answer at this juncture is the following: What went wrong with the uprising in Southern Cameroons? When the rank and file (okada guys, park boys, wheelcart pushers, and more) rose to the occasion, namely the strike organized by Common Law advocates and the Teachers Union, we in the diaspora rubbed our hands in glee because we thought that the intellectuals that they are, were going to give perspicacious direction and leadership to the disorganized uprising that we all saw in the streets thanks to social media. Sadly enough, that did not happen and the result is history.Why did the lawyers and teachers back off? What suddenly paralyzed them all? We are now saddled with a DECAPITATED REVOLUTION with no leadership in sight. What went wrong? What did we learn from the Ghost Towns Operations of 1990s? What did we learn from the 2008 uprising in Yaounde, Douala and other major Cameroonian cities? I do not ask these questions in a bid to sound supercilious or disrespectful of the strides these two groups have made thus far. In fact, I applaud their courage in taking the bull by the horns. But I just want to know what held the lawyers and teachers (intellectuals) back and prevented them from lending needed organizational support to the young Southern Cameroonians that joined their strike in the mistaken belief that they were throwing their weight behind a sustainable movement? What went wrong?
Fellow Southern Cameroonians, I am sad to say that once again we have squandered yet another golden opportunity through paranoia, internal strife, lack of foresight and strategic planning, and by this very token, have emboldened our oppressors, Mr. Biya and his cohort of vampires hibernating in Yaounde. Worse still, we have caused our brothers' and sisters' blood to be spilled with no tangible results to justify the bloodshed. I have said in many of my write-ups that the ANGLOPHONE PROBLEM will never be resolved through dialogue with nationals of LA REPUBLIQUE DU CAMEROUN or with foreign bodies such as the UN, Commonwealth, British and French embassies etc. These toothless bulldogs couldn't care less about the survival of Southern Cameroonians. What they do care about is whether or not their bread baskets in Africa remain intact. Read my write-up on this subject matter: http://www.postnewsline.com/2016/11/-time-for-the-demilitarization-of-british-southern-cameroons.html
They are too conceited and short-sighted to see the need for dialogue with ENGLISH-SPEAKING underdogs crying out for justice in Southern Cameroons.
Finally, I want to state unequivocally that strategic planning is the key ingredient in defeating an enemy,regardless of how dreadful that enemy might be. Last but not least, we cannot face Paul Biya's military empty-handed or by mounting catapults as we watched the youngsters do in Bamenda lately. We have seen in the past couple of days just how blood-thirsty and sexually starved these military bastards are. We need an armed wing of the SCNC movement if success is our utlimate goal. Please read SPEAR OF THE NATION; UmKONTO We SizWe (2012) by Janet Cherry. Sadly enough, on account of all that I have stated above, the uprising that we just witnessed in Southern Cameroons has proved to be an ORPHANED REVOLUTION. What happened?
"This is the time for all groups to work behind closed doors together to agree on the way forward, because Republique, true to itself, will be planning its intimidation..."( SCNC)
Time for dialogue and negotiation with the oligarchy in Yaounde is over! I have said in many of my books and articles (see http://www.pambazuka.org/democracy-governance/seeds-cameroonian-popular-revolution) that freedom is achieved; not given to the oppressed. The only language that dictators pay heed to is the language of force. The rhetoric about the force of language has not served the ANGLOPHONE CAUSE in Cameroon for decades and should be abandoned outright ! It's time to change the modus operandi. I have followed with rapt attention the unfolding trajectory and momentum of the ongoing strike by Cameroon's Common Law Advocates. I laud the Teachers' Union for the sturdy support they have offered the grieving lawyers. It's now our turn to join the fray with robust material and intellectual support.
Southern Cameroonians must extricate themselves from the claws of the Francophone-led contraption in Yaounde. The political charade is not working and should be dissolved forthwith.I am going to be very blunt here: It's time for Southern Cameroonians to declare their divorce from this unholy marriage code-named La Republique du Cameroun and secede once and for all. We have the numerical strength to form a Republic! Eritreans have offered us a lesson to learn from. The Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic is another case in point. Make no mistake, the Francophone leeches in Cameroon will not surrender without putting up a fierce fight. They are aware that their very survival depends on the natural resources that exist in abundance in Southern Cameroons. But who said popular revolutions are a piece of cake? We have some lessons to learn from revolutionary icons like Reuben um Nyobe, Felix Moumie, Albert Mukong, Nelson Mandela, Patrice Lumumba, Dr. Martin Luther King, Mahatma Gandhi, Malcolm X and Thomas Sankara. These are martyrs who believed in the sanity of the cause they fought for. We have to follow in their footsteps.
The position statement written by the leadership of the SCNC is laudable and serves as a viable starting point. But we must to scale up the struggle. To do so, I offer Southern Cameroonian compatriots a blueprint of sorts:
1. STRATEGIC PLANNING
To move this struggle forward to fruition, we need human capital. In other words, we need strategic thinkers. Successful revolutions are not spontaneous acts. Revolutions are premeditated and properly orchestrated events, involving the conjugation of ideas from intellectual think-tanks and the rank and file(see SPEAR OFTHE NATION: UMKHONTO we Sizwe (2012). The secession that we desire will not happen if we continue to function in silos. We must curry support from Cameroonian intellectuals at home and in the diaspora. The difficult part of a revolution is not the boots on the ground component; it is the strategic orchestration of the movement. I don't say this light-heartedly. Experience is the best teacher(See CHE GUEVARA: A REVOLUTIONARY LIFE (1997). Most importantly, Southern Cameroonians must be smart enough to steer clear of the divide and rule antics of the Biya Regime that has ruled us for 34 years by pitting grafis against southwesterners. Anglophone Cameroonians must rise to the occasion and desist from being bought over with crumbs from the master's table. We should put a premium on the role of the diaporan intelligentsia because they have witnessed other effective revolutionary paradigms that remain unknown to home-based revolutionaries.
2. COGNITIVE ANDMATERIAL SUPPORT
No revolution has ever succeeded without intellectual and material support. All the abortive revolutions that I have studied have failed on account of the dearth of material resources. Malcolm X echoes this in BY ANY MEANS NECESSARY(1992). Human beings easily lose steam and stamina when subjected to deprivation (food and water). Those of us who are old enough to remember what transpired during the maquisard days of Reuben um Nyobe and ilk would attest to the fact that the maquisards used local populations as a source of food supply. The 1990's Ghost Towns Operations failed partially because our people ran out of steam, to put it figuratively.This means that the success of our current revolution depends on how long revolutionaries can withstand the pangs of hunger and thirst. To ensure that we succeed in the long haul, we must ensure that during the entire duration of the revolution, our people have a means of subsistence. In the run-up to the revolution, it is not unwise to organize community cohorts whose duty would be to educate our people on the positive fall-outs of the revolution as well as the need to horde food products in the long term.
One thing that grassroots organs could do would be to prioritize food crop farming over cash-crop cultivation. During the normalization phase that will follow secession, the trend will be reversed in order to give our people a steady source of cash flow for non-subsistence consumption. The Diaspora has a vital role to play in all this. Those of us who live in the diaspora are privileged in the sense we have the wherewithal to support the revolution intellectually and materially. I call on all Southern Cameroonians living in the diaspora to start Revolutionary Tontines and Njangi houses right now! The purport of these fundraisers would be to ensure that our brothers and sisters who serve as revolutionary foot soldiers never run out of cash! On the home front, we need honest Southern Cameroonians who have a proven sense of integrity to manage these funds collected from the diaspora and channel them toward to the revolution cause.
3. RECOURSE TO ARMED STRUGGLE
The demilitarization of British Southern Cameroons will never transpire without armed struggle. In one of my articles I have called for recourse to armed rebellion in Cameroon (See link: http://www.postnewsline.com/2011/04/time-for-armed-opposition-in-the-republic-of-cameroon.html)
We have tried peaceful means to no avail. It is now time to resort to armed struggle in Cameroon. It is not arms that are in short supply in Cameroon. In fact the country is awash with fire-arms imported clandestinely from the West.
I am going to end this article by echoing the sagacious words of late Nelson Mandela who once said: "Dangers and difficulties have not deterred us in the past. They will not frighten us now. But we must be prepared for them like men in business who do not waste energy in vain talk and idle action.”
Mandela was a great man partly because of his willingness to use violence, not in spite of it. Many believe apartheid would have endured much longer if he hadn’t rebelled and overturned the ANC’s long-standing nonviolence policy.
Life is not all sunshine and roses in Biya’s Cameroon. Much water has flowed under the bridge since Mr. Paul Barthélemy Biya'a bi Mvondo took over the reins of leadership from his predecessor and mentor, Mr. Ahmadou Ahidjo on November 6, 1982. Put differently, this mercurial hard-hearted persona has presided over the fate of Cameroonians for thirty-four (34) years. It is time to take the pulse of the nation-state. The Cameroon that Biya inherited more than three decades ago has degenerated into a human junk-yard, where nitwits, miscreants and morally bankrupt self-seekers ride roughshod over a befuddled populace. Aided and abetted by tribal overlords and imperialistic octopuses, Biya has run the post-colony aground through ineptitude and dearth of foresight compounded by unpatriotic fervor. With the support and blessing of French imperialists, the Cameroonian lumpen bourgeoisie has organized the systematic plunder of Cameroon. With the crumbs of the plunder that often reverts to them, the Cameroonian petty bourgeoisie has been transformed, slowly but surely, into a veritably parasitic socio-economic class that no longer knows how to control its voracious appetite for foreign commodities—material and intellectual. Driven only by their own selfish interests, they no longer hesitate to employ the most disingenuous contraptions, engaging in massive corruption, embezzlement of public funds, influence-peddling, nepotism and dereliction of duty in a bid to meet their ends by over-indulging in politics of the belly.[i]
Politics of the Belly as Governmental Modus Operandi
Paul Biya has surrounded himself with a bulwark of compulsive chop-broke-potters[ii], culled from his own ethnic group, the Beti tribe, who have a knack for bulimia, impulsive spending and misappropriation of state funds. Not satisfied with living off the backs of the Cameroonian rank and file, these political misfits fight tooth and nail to monopolize positions of power within the Chop Pipo Dem Moni (CPDM) ruling party[iii] that have the potential to allow them to use the state apparatus for their own exploitative and wasteful ends. The Beti modus vivendi epitomizes the political philosophy described by Polzenhagen and Wolf (2007) as the “Kinship-based African Community Model” (p.131). This model has been described as a horizontal network that stretches laterally and embraces everybody who is perceived to belong to a particular social group (Mbiti, 1990, p.102). The problem with this sort of ethnocentric political philosophy is that it is exclusive, egregious, counter-productive, and inimical to national integration. Paul Biya’s governmental modus operandi has created a system of endemic corruption that defies all attempts to eradicate. Corruption has crippled our national economy. Writing along similar lines, Timah Njei (2005) makes heartrending remarks about the State of Cameroon and corrupt practices which I cite at length as follows:
"Corruption has brought our beloved country to her knees and exposed us to international ridicule. Our country has held the first position as the most corrupt nation on earth and it is on record that those governing us actually lobbied that the country be classified as one of the poorest highly indebted nations on earth! One really needs to be courageous and shame-proof to make a request like this for such an apparently rich nation. This act alone qualifies us to be in the hall of fame of corruption. The issue of corruption in Cameroon has gone past the level that can be described only as a social ill. It has effectively become part of our national culture. Corruption is embedded in every facet of our national life and it has effectively thwarted and dislocated our path to nationhood for generations to come"
The forgoing remarks lend credence to the consternation of Cameroonian sociologist, Jean-Marc Ela who writes as follows:
"Le Cameroun semble échapper à toute catégorie de l’entendement. Ce qui arrive à ce pays relève de l’inimaginable, de l’incroyable et de l’impossible. Tout ce passe, en définitive, comme si, sous le règne de M. Paul Biya, le Cameroun tout entier avait basculé dans le hors-norme, la déraison ou la folie"
[It would appear that the case of Cameroon defies all attempts at comprehension. What has happened to this country seems unimaginable, unbelievable, and impossible. In sum, it seems as if under Paul Biya Cameroon has plunged into illegality, irrationality, and insanity]
The sad truth about the disheartening Cameroonian narrative is that all of this mindboggling stuff is unfolding in full view of petrified nationals who are mired in squalor, misery and abject poverty. A visit to the Briqueterie neighborhood in the capital city of Yaoundé would drive home the point. This is an urban ghetto where human beings and animals vie for personal space. In an article titled “Sodome et Gomorrhe: Briqueterie-Mokolo: le Texas dans la capitale,” Ismaila Djida portrays this neighborhood as the Sodom and Gomorrah of the capital city of Yaounde. This holds true for other impoverished neighborhoods in the country such as Moloko in Yaounde and Nkouloulou in Doula. While Cameroon is a paradise for the oligarchy in Yaounde, the wealthy minority, for the majority, it is a barely tolerable hell on earth. Part of this disenchanted majority, the so-called fonctionnaires (civil servants) suffer insurmountable constraints engendered by governmental dysfunction, despite the fact that they are assured a regular income. Their poverty-line wages are spent before they have even been received. And this vicious cycle goes on and on with no end in sight. Sometimes, pressure from civil servants pushes politicians to grant some concessions, such as salary increments. But these concessions are mere make-believe because the government often takes back with one hand what it gives with the other. Thus a ten percent wage increase is announced with great fanfare in the media, only to be immediately followed by tax hikes, wiping out the expected benefits. Clearly, politics of the stomach sustained by a divide and rule contraption constitute an integral part of the system put in place by politicians in Cameroon to further subjugate the suffering masses.
Divide and Rule in the Post-colony
Part of the exploited majority in Cameroon is constituted by peasants, the well-known wretched of the earth, who are expropriated, robbed, humiliated and mistreated on a regular basis by men and women in uniform—mange-mille[iv], gendarmes and the military. Interestingly, the peasantry is the mainstay of the Cameroonian economy because they are the ones whose labor creates wealth. Thanks to their productive labor, the nation stays afloat against all odds. It is from their labor that all those Cameroonians for whom Cameroon is an El Dorado line their pockets. And yet, it is the peasants who are least served by the nation. They lack road infrastructure, healthcare facilities, portable water, electricity and good schools for their children. It is the peasants, creators of the nation’s wealth, who suffer the most in the hands of so-called élus du peuple[v]. So much for a misnomer! It is the children of peasants who swell the ranks of Chômencam[vi], the plethora of the unemployed in Cameroon. It is among the peasants that illiteracy rate is the highest in the country— 68.9%. Those who most need to learn, in order to improve the output of their productive labor, are the ones who benefit the least from investments in education and technology. The peasant youth—who have the same aptitude like their urban counterparts end up in the wrong places. Their initial impulse drives them to urban centers—Yaounde, Douala, Bafoussam, Nkongsamba, Buea, and Limbe to name but a few, where they hope to land jobs and enjoy, too, the advantages of modernism.
Sadly enough, lack of academic qualifications precludes these compatriots from landing gainful employment. Lack of jobs drives them into illegal activities such as drug peddling, feymenia[vii], prostitution and more. Some eke out a living by working as pedes[viii] at the beck and call of some sexually starved katikas[ix]. Others resolve to make a pittance working as bendskinneurs[x]and call-boxeurs.[xi] As a last resort, some of them seek salvation by attempting to go abroad by any means necessary. Lately, we have seen disheartening pictures in media outlets of our compatriots who have perished like chicken on high seas and oceans in a desperate attempt to flee from an uninhabitable homeland. The New York Times of May 29, 2016 reported that in three days, 700 deaths had occurred on the Mediterranean, some of them Cameroonians. Does the Cameroonian society provide these compatriots with any alternative? Stated succinctly, such is the state of the nation that Mr. Biya will bequeath to Cameroonians when he ultimately answers the call of the Divine in the not too distant future—a paradise for some and hell for the rest. When all is said and done, Mr. Biya’s track record is one of dismal failure.
Underperformance of Political Incumbency
Students of Mr. Paul Biya’s report card make no bones about the fact that he is a monumental political failure. After thirty-four years of deconstructionist leadership and retrogressive political agendas bolstered by intrusive imperialist domination and exploitation, post-colonial Cameroon under the Biya regime remains a backward nation with nothing to offer the world. This hitherto great nation has been transformed into an underdeveloped heart of darkness, to borrow words from one of Africa’s compulsive denigrators, Joseph Conrad (1899s), where the rural poor—employing 92 percent of the workforce—accounts for only 47 percent of the gross domestic product (GDP) and supplies 94 percent of the country’s total exports. It should be noted that in other African countries, notably Nigeria, Ghana, Botswana and South Africa, farmers constituting less than ten percent of the population manage not only to feed themselves adequately and satisfy the basic needs of the entire nation, but also to export enormous quantities of their agricultural produce. Paradoxically, in Cameroon more than 90 percent of the population, despite strenuous efforts, experiences deprivation and is compelled to fall back on imported food items from France, China and more. The imbalance between exports and imports accentuates Cameroon’s dependency on foreign countries. An economy that functions on such a paralysis inevitably goes bankrupt and is headed for catastrophe.
Private investments from abroad constitute a huge drain on Cameroon’s economy and thus do not help strengthen its ability to accumulate wealth. That is because an important portion of the wealth created with the help of foreign investors is siphoned off abroad, instead of being reinvested to increase the country’s productive capability. Paul Biya inherited a buoyant economy from Ahmadou Ahidjo and ran it into a recession a couple of years later not only because he does not practice what he preaches but also because he lacks the cognitive ability to conceptualize economic recovery strategies.In the 1990s, salaries of civil servants were slashed drastically, in some cases by 60 percent. This writer worked as senior translator at the Presidency of the Republic at the time and endured the fiscal humiliation by keeping a stiff upper lip. In fact, he worked for an entire fiscal year without receiving a paycheck from the government because his dossier[xii] had gathered dust in the drawers of some numskull in the Ministère de la Fonction Publique [Ministry of Public Service] in Yaounde. He survived on a pittance that was called prime de technicité[xiii] in bygone days. Salary cuts were quickly followed by privatization which still leaves a sour taste in the mouths of Cameroonians to date.
The greatest weakness of Paul Biya has been in the economic sector. Almost a year ago, he posed a rhetorical question to Cameroonians when he asked the following question: “Why is it that Cameroon has everything in human and natural resources yet is not having the feel good effects?” Five cankers suffice to provide Mr. President with a candid response: endemic corruption, misappropriation of state funds, apartheid-style tribalism, blind-sidedness, and impunity are wreaking havoc in the moral and economic fabrics of the Cameroonian post-colony. Biya took over power in 1982 and announced with pomp and fanfare that his catchwords were going to be rigor and moralization. But the president soon found himself surrounded by a clique of diehard ethnocentric tribesmen, cronies, as well as a coterie of myopic CPDM praise-singers that sang his praises but remained blind-sided to national issues of grave importance. Consequently, Mr. Biya remains a myopic alien in the land that he purports to govern. If fact, he governs this nation of 23+ million jobajo[xiv] drinkers and makossa dancers by remote control.
Governance by Remote Control
Biya does not live in Cameroon and, therefore, does not know Cameroonians. The president is out of touch with the Cameroonian reality. The absentee landlord spends several months in a calendar year in Europe touring casinos and nude beaches with no specific agenda in mind. In 2009, Biya sparked global outrage after reports emerged of a 20-day holiday in France where he spent an average of £35,000 a day, totaling £700,000.Once back home, he retires to his million-dollar castle in his home village of Mvog-Meka to play golf and drink whiskey and champagne. It is for this reason that international observers of the political status quo in Cameroon have branded the Cameroonian Head of State le Roi fainéant[xv]. Biya does nothing to change the destiny of his country. His latest fad about les grandes réalisations[xvi] is political hogwash! The man is an under-achiever, to put it bluntly. Biya’s inept governance has brought Cameroon to its knees. Three decades ago, cities like Douala, Nkongsamba, Bafoussam, Edea, Limbe, Bamenda, Buea and Yaounde, were commercial hubs teeming with business activities and life. Nowadays, they are virtual ghost towns. Biya’s nonchalant leadership attitude has robbed Cameroon of its luster. Cameroon is no longer the Africa in miniature that it was known to be. The Republic of Cameroon is a sore finger on the anatomy of the African continent.
Biya’s lack of political foresight has transformed Cameroon into a beggarly nation. We are beasts of no nation, [xvii]to borrow words from an illustrious son of the soil who perished fighting the Cameroonian canker code-named biyaism. [xviii] Biyaism has moved Cameroon ten years backwards in terms of infrastructural development.The physical environment in Yaoundé is an eyesore.Piles of garbage litter streets here and there. Potholes left, right and center. Unfinished government buildings punctuate the already tarnished landscape of our phantom capital city. Douala does not fare any better. It is a shadow of its former self.The Douala International airport that Biya inherited from his predecessor is now in a shambles—no running water in the restrooms, no toilet paper, broken tiles on the floor, a total mess! What remains of the Douala Port is a nefarious abyss in the bottom of which customs officers hide to steal money from Tom, Dick and Harry.The Limbe Deep Seaport is dead, buried, and forgotten. Speaking in Yaoundé on January 15, 2015 at a meeting with a delegation of South Korean technocrats, Minister of the Economy, Planning and Regional Development, Emmanuel Nganou Ndjoumessi, announced that the Limbe Deep Seaport will be operational soon. Cameroonians are still waiting and shall wait until Godot[xix] comes. Accountability has been thrown to the dogs in that geographical expression nicknamed Cameroon.
The pulse of the post-colony has been taken. And there is incontrovertible evidence that the nation-state is malignant. This discourse serves as a pointer to the legacy that Mr. Paul Biya and his accessories will bequeath to millions of Cameroonians, many of whom have never known any other president. This is a legacy that truly stinks and spells nothing but doom for the young men and women that the president took the oath office on November 6, 1982 to nurture and protect. The purport of this write-up is not to provide a panacea for the myriads of ailments that plague Cameroon under President Paul Biya; rather it is a dirge composed by a son of the soil whose heart throbs for the demise of a nation richly blessed with natural and human capital; and yet sorely lacking in strategic thinkers and leadership visionaries. No Cameroonian who loves and honors his native land can remain indifferent to the status quo at home. Indeed, valiant, hardworking people have never been able to tolerate such a situation. Because they understand that this is not an irreversible situation, but a question of society being organized on an unjust system for the sole benefit of an oligarchy. They have, therefore, waged different kinds of struggles, searching for various ways and means to overthrow the old order, establish a new order capable of rehabilitating the ordinary man, and give their country a leading place within the community of free, prosperous, and respected nations. Cameroonians have a tough call. They should not expect lynchpins of the old order to change their mentality and embrace sweeping changes any time soon. The only language that dictators respond to and understand is the language of force, the revolutionary class struggle against the exploiters and oppressors of the rank and file. The people’s revolution that I envision in this write-up is the only act by which the Cameroonian people will impose their will on the parasitic class that has hijacked the nation-state; that class has benefited perennially from the matrimony that exists between the national and imperialistic bourgeoisie in Cameroon. The Cameroonian Popular Revolution that is called for will be a class struggle by which the Cameroonian people impose their will on the ruling class by all means at their disposal, including arms, if necessary.
The burden of Hepatitis is huge in sub-Saharan Africa. With the number of infected persons growing so rapidly it is feared that this silent epidemic may be capable of wrecking the entire sub-Saharan Africa. Unfortunately, majority of those infected do not know that they have the disease. As such they do not seek help and they continue to spread the viruses to their love ones and friends most of the times unknowingly. The few people who know that they are infected do not know the options available to them. Also, many persons in Africa have not taken measures to protect themselves against hepatitis because they do not know how transmission occurs especially in the context of persons living in Africa or of African origin. Struggle against the notorious liver germs was written in the era of advanced treatment and cure by a leading world-class expert in the field to highlight some local practices and issues associated with the transmission of hepatitis B and C viruses in such a way that people in Africa can relate to. It is written for the common man on the streets anywhere in Africa and for those involved in one way or the other in policy and social issues that play directly on the provision of vaccination, testing, awareness and care of patients with infectious diseases. It will be a good idea if you share this book with your family and friends so they too will understand more about the different aspects and health issues associated with hepatitis.
Here is a collection of reactions from Cameroonians at home and in
the diaspora in the wake of the death of Fon Doh Gah Gwanyin, Mayor,
CPDM Section President and Member of Parliament. These pieces were
culled from The Eye Newspaper, social networks, including Cameroon
Online, Camnews, Campolitics, CameroonPostline, CCDHR Press Release,
AFOA-KOM and more. I have the conviction that this outburst of emotions
would constitute interesting material for the inscription of a befitting
epitaph on the tombstone of the fallen Fon of Balikumbat.
As established scientists with leading academic and research institutions around the world, we would like to express deep concerns about a proposed, massive oil palm development in Cameroon, Africa.
SG Sustainable Oils Cameroon, a subsidiary of American agribusiness corporation HeraklesFarms, in collaboration with the American non-profit All for Africa, are planning a 70,000-hectare oil palm plantation in southwestern Cameroon. Having examined this project in detail, we question many of the claims and practices of the project proponents, especially their insistence that the “plantations will follow the highest environmental and social standards, complying fully with Roundtable on Sustainable Palm Oil Principles & Criteria.”1 We believe that this plantation violates important RSPO rules and standards, and will have serious negative impacts on the biodiversity and people of southwestern Cameroon. Specifically, we assert that:
Culled from the August 2011 PLoS One scientific journal
Dr. Joseph forbi
Cameroonian and Nigerian researchers, Dr. Joseph Forbi and Dr. Simon Agwale, and their colleagues have developed an experimental HIV-1 vaccine, tailored specifically to help fight HIV/AIDS in their native Cameroon and Nigeria.
On September 21, 2001, I was in middle of a meeting of the Micro Credit Finance Scheme (better known by its French acronym FIMAC) when one of my collaborators rushed in to tell me there were appointments of Civil Administrative Officers being read over CRTV Radio. I immediately adjourned the meeting and went out to listen. I got there just in time to hear it being announced that I had been relieved of my duties as Divisional Officer for Mbengwi Central Subdivision and placed at the disposal of the Ministry of the Public Service and Administrative Reform. No reason was given for this transfer, which was clearly one of the most severe disciplinary measures to be taken against a serving Civil Administrative Officer.
Born in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, Edwidge Danticat immigrated to the United States at 12, publishing her first short story in a youth magazine only two years later. Spending her teenage years in a Haitian neighborhood in Brooklyn, Danticat was able to capture the isolation and memories of her experience with authentic eloquence in her first novel, Breath, Eyes, Memory, which was selected for Oprah’s Book Club.
Danticat has continued to share the stories of her past in the novels Krik? Krak!, The Farming of Bones, The Dew Breaker, and Brother, I'm Dying. She has taught creative writing at New York University and the University of Miami, and is a recipient of the prestigious MacArthur "Genius Grant."
"We all have our traditions, which have both positive and negative repercussions. It all depends on how we integrate them in our lives and whether they serve us or hold us back."
Stockfish is an imported delicacy that features in the diets of West Africans, Caribbean people and Italians. Stockfish was expensive 200 years ago, and it is even more expensive today. Having eaten stockfish all my life, I was surprised about how little I knew about where it came from, why it is as hard as plank, never rots but could stink up a whole neighborhood and does something to plain vegetable sauces and other soups that nothing else does. My only quarrel with stockfish is that it is unsociable because of its smell. The following is a fine article from Wikipedia:
Stockfish is unsalted fish, especially cod, dried by sun and wind on wooden racks on the foreshore called flakes, or in special drying houses. The drying of food is the world's oldest known preservation method, and dried fish has a storage life of several years. The method is cheap and effective in suitable climates, the work can be done by the fisherman and family, and the resulting product is easily transported to market. Cod is the most common fish used in stockfish production, while other whitefish, such as pollock, haddock, ling andtusk, are used to a lesser degree. Over the centuries, several variants of stockfish have evolved, notably salt cod (q.v.).Salting was not economically feasible before the 17th century, when cheap salt from southern Europe became available to the maritime nations of northern Europe.
by Emil I Mondoa, MD One of the many African foods I miss is what most people call the plum or bush butter. It is a completely different species of fruit than what people in the West call plums. It is native to the west coast of Africa, between Eastern Nigeria and Angola, and goes by the botanical name of Dacryodes edulis. Everyone knows that it is boiled or roasted and goes very well with fresh roasted or boiled corn. It presents a different more complex flavor when it allowed to ripen and become soft, and can be eaten at that time without cooking.
Recently, I came across a well researched book, entitled "Lost Crops of Africa", which details a large number of food crops that are little known outside of Africa. I was very impressed by the nutritional content of this fruit, which is mostly eaten as a snack in Africa. It turns out that this snack could have more nutritional power than the main course.