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« Business May Slump With Departure Of Nigerians | Main | NW Mini-Interpools Finalists Now Known »

Thursday, 14 September 2006


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Things fall apart!

And to add wounds to injury in another Report published a few days ago dubbed:

2006 Economic Freedom of the World Report: Cameroon came 102nd out of 130 nations!

Cameroon dropped three positions in the 2006 Economic Freedom of the World Report released on Thursday by the Cato Institute in conjunction with the Fraser Institute.

I still reapeat that Cameroon is a good example of a failed state.Help!!!!!


Francis Nche

It is not strange that Cameroon is robbing shoulders with Democratic Republic of Congo as a tax hell. What is strange is that the perpetrators of this crime like the World Bank representative in Cameroon (Marcus Repnik) is playing a Pilate’s role in this issue. The objective of the World Bank is to sustain national economies by extending loans to struggling Nations for sustained development. This requires internal and often austere economic and government reforms for the wellbeing of the people. I would like to challenge Mr. Repnik that the World Bank has exactly achieved the opposite results in Cameroon in particular and other third world countries in general.
1-The economic situation of Cameroon has been in the free fall for the last decade and yet Cameroon has burrowed highest from IMF and World Bank over this time frame leading the country to be Christianed “ Highly Indebted Poor Country”. The economic indicators are never published for the knowledge of a layman and no transparency in public affairs.
2-The World Bank has never followed up to see the execution of the projects of any loan taken although it suppose to assist development in the development world. It looks the other way when the loans are transformed into private investments in Western Banks.
3-The economic and structural adjustment plan imposed in Cameroon by IMF and World Bank on the conditions to qualify more funding up till the latest so called “Completion Point” has made the government increased taxes more than 100 folds.
4-The government reforms which have increased the cabinet from 26 ministries to 56 making Cameroon just second to Bosnia-Herzegovina have mis-channelled Cameroon resources from infrastructural development and social services to the overloaded administration with a spike in corruption and bureaucracy.
5-By providing resources to sustain a government in power that never listens to its own people but only to creditors like IMF and World Bank and reader even to mortgage the country for that purpose has increased oligarchy and bring untold misery and poverty to an ordinary Cameroonian who cannot in any way influence its government policy any more.
6-If Mr Pepnik looks in our backyard to Ghana and Tanzania, these are countries where they people have a say in their government affairs and therefore such a government of the people listens to its people’s plight rather than the creditors like IMF and World Bank.
I will say and I will repeat any where that our problems in Cameroon today, be it over taxation, corruption, bad governance, under development etc have a rubber stamp of the World Bank and a signature of IMF on them.

Tekum Mbeng

Remember folks that the Government is taxing to balance the national budget. If we want lower taxes then we should also say what services must be cut and justify.

Here is a typical to do list:-

(a) Merge the police and gendarmerie forces and cut admin costs.

(b) Eliminate the ministry of Information (why does Govt need a ministry of information, to misinform ?)

(c) Eliminate the ministry of mines and power. Cameroon has a few open cast mines and that is it. AES-SONEL is not answerable to this ministry. What "Power" function belongs to this ministry?

The list goes on. Simply condeming the administration as a sport is unhelpful.


Tekum Mbeng
Gentleman,I must say that you are incredibly amazing. All these while you have marvelled me with your arguments. Hear you" ...govt is taxing to balance the national budget".

Tekum let me be blunt with you.You might not want to hear this like your fellow countryman Dr AA but I will never cut my nose to wipe my face in order to say this.Paul Biya and his team of ministers should step down period

How can you be asking honourable members of this forum to be waisting time pouring water on a ducks back? Gentleman , you might have been born out of Cameroon but though I live out I was once in the system and know how it operates.

The heavy tax burden has got just absolutely nothing to do with econimic policies but an incapacited President and govt period.

(1)Do you know what a simple taxation official gets as kicbacks?Is Biya not aware?
(2)Do you how business gurus closed to regime are protected under shady tax deals?
(3)Dont you know people join the ruling party to run away from paying taxes?
(4)Who doesnt know becoming a custom officer in Cameroon means riches?
(5)Is Biya unaware that his minsters and directors are tax fraudstars?
(6)Biya's cousin former Economy and finace minister was caught at the airport with huge sums of money a year ago.It made headlines news in Cameroon and abroad.What happened to him?
(7)What has happened to the window dressing detention of embezzlers? Few months after the IMF accepted Cameroon as HIPC, out of detention they went!
(8)Was the money recovered back into the govt coffers? Maybe you know better.Tell us
(9)Corruption is rife, tax fraud is virtually legalised, the "petit business man" suffers etc and you come asking us to help suggest means of solving the problem.

This govt is an eyesore and a source of disgrace to Cameroonians worldwide.No amount of proposal will salvage the situation. The above report has cited commendable nations worthy of emulations.Check it out what kind of govt they have. Biya is an incapacitated President and should step down period.


Francis Nche

Mr. Tekum Mbeng,
Sometimes I am surprised by your logic about Biya’s regime which has institutionalized corruption and a spirit of laxity in Cameroonians. From your arguments especially on your apparent support for monopoly as a standard for privatization, it appears you a stranger to the success story of the cell phone and mass media industry in Cameroon.
In spite consistent increase in taxes for the last 10 years, Cameroon budget deficit has been deepening steadily into the red zone. Presently we have a deficit of -$153 million, from a balanced budget in 1986 even from a surplus of +$75 million in 1980. With the coming of the present regime in power, the Five Year Development Plan was abolished, hence abolishing accountability in the government affairs. The results are there, no development project realised for a quarter of a century.
Understand that the issue of the Ministry of Information is not Unique to Cameroon. History has shown that any government at war uses it as its propaganda machine. Cameroon government is at war with its own people. Hitler used his Ministry of Propaganda to promote hate message in NAZI agenda and desire for a living room. Recall that in the US where you are, a “minister” is refered to as “Secretary” and therefore the Press Secretary (presently Tony Snow) is the US minister of Propaganda whose main objective is to institutionalized fear in the population for political objectives. Rightly as you expressed, a government with a clean agenda, (i.e.having nothing to hide) does not need a Minstry of information.


The Barbarism of French Cameroun

...In Droves, Nigerians Flee [la Republique du Cameroun], Tell Tales of Horror...

We suffered so much in Cameroon. We paid smoke tax, firewood tax, boat tax, woman tax. We had no rest of mind because you didn't know what they would tell you to pay the next day. I won't go back to Cameroon. Although I was born in Cameroon , you can't claim to be their national by (circumstances of your) birth. They won't allow it

NO less than two thousand Nigerians arrived Calabar, Cross River state, Wednesday, with tales of woes like others before them. It was the third batch that sailed from Cameroon in the wake of the seeming hostility and obvious tension since Nigeria handed over the disputed Bakassi peninsula to her neighbour.

In similar fashion, two batches of Nigerians living in different parts of Cameroon had fled the latter, fearing intimidation and voicing out how they have been so badly treated and singled out for over-taxation by their host country.

What had initially perplexed millions of their compatriots at home was why these Nigerians were fleeing from Yaounde, Douala and other cities in the mainland Cameroon even when their country had since withdrawn its troops from Bakassi. This time, their plights do not have much to do with the controversies over the oil-rich Bakassi.

But as they heaved sighs of relief on arriving their fatherland, it was lamentation galore as the returnees spoke of the ill treatment and the humiliation they were made to face. And for thousands of these troubled Nigerians, it was one pill too bitter to swallow.

But what were their specific reasons for calling it a day in Cameroon? What advice do they have for the Nigerian government, especially concerning those of their other fellow countrymen and women out there? Will they go back when the feelers emerge that normalcy may have returned?

Saturday Vanguard spoke to some of these returnee Nigerians and they share their views below.

Chief Ebiarede Emomoemi

I am 52 years and a fisherman. I have three wives and 21 children. I came back with all the children. Some of my children are married. I had tried all means to bear what we were going through in Cameroon, thinking that things would improve for the better, but the reverse was always the case. Things got rather worse.

I then tried to return to Nigeria on my own but couldn't. I didn't have the resources and other things that would have made it possible for me to come back with my entire family. So, when the Federal Government then indicated its desire to bring us home, I jumped at it.

For me personally, it would have been very tough to bring back all my people from Cameroon. But I thank God that we're back from the humiliation we faced. We were discriminated against and made to pay more taxes than other nationals. There's no place like home.

Mrs. Yorowari Efarabor

I was born in Cameroon . My parents came from Bayelsa. My father is late while my mum came back to Nigeria in 1992. She's still alive. This is my first time in Nigeria. But then, I don't want to go back to Cameroon.

My husband and our seven children arrived Calabar this (Thursday) morning. My advice to the Nigerian government is that it should not relent. Let them make sure that they bring as many people as are willing to come back. There are many of our people who are trapped there, who cannot come home because they don't even have the money with which to pay their ways home.

If this was not done, I can tell you that there were thousands who would have died in that country due to the way we're being treated. It's bad that they are wicked to us even when our country gave them Bakassi. So, what else do they want?

Kainji Korye

I was born in Cameroon in 1960. I lost my father in that country. My mother had since returned to Nigeria. She came back in 1978. This is not my first time in Nigeria. I have been visiting Nigeria almost on a monthly basis.

The hardship in Cameroon was too much. The people really tormented us. Every other day and night, we didn't sleep. It was one trouble or the other. It was certain that they didn't want us in their country again and they did everything to force us out.

We got tired of staying in that country because of the numerous taxes we had to pay. I was a farmer and fisherman in Cameroon but you needed to see the taxes I was made to pay. It's unbelievable. You were treated like a slave.

No matter how much you tried, they would not leave you to face your business. It didn't matter that we could speak even their local languages. After Nigeria gave out Bakassi, we thought our troubles were over. But it wasn't the case. They dealt more harshly with us.

I'm very happy that I am back home. I like the way my country received me. Now that I'm home, I'll appeal to my state government (Bayelsa) and the Federal Government to help me and other Nigerians who came back. As you know, we had nothing on ground before we came back. So, we're bound to suffer a lot here.

Kingsley Ahamefula Onwere

I am from Abia State and I lived in Cameroon for thirteen years. I was a businessman there. The problem really was that we were made to pay exorbitant taxes, very high fees for resident permit and very many other taxes.

But I am not leaving Cameroon finally. I'm going back there. I'm one of the Nigerian leaders there. When things get better and clearer, I'll go back to resume my business.

Paul (Azikiwe) Koye

Well, I was born in 1962. I'm married with two wives and eleven children. I came back with my two wives and eight children. We suffered so much in that country. I don't know why their people hate us, even when there are also many Cameroonians in Nigeria that are not being molested this way.

We faced problems of resident permits. You were pursued from one place to another as a criminal. Meanwhile, we paid our taxes but we were required to pay several other taxes. My children were going to school there; they were attending English schools. So, it won't be too difficult for them to adjust here.

However, we will face the problems of hunger and unemployment. Most of us (returnees) are farmers and fishermen. We don't have any other source through which we can survive. So, we beg the Federal Government and our state governments to come to our aid by providing for us those things with which we can start afresh.

What I must tell you is that we're so happy to be back. We ask the government to try and bring others back. Our people are treated like slaves in Cameroon; we're treated as if we're all criminals.

Mathew Fabo

My profession is fishing. That's what I was doing in Cameroon. I am 40 years old and married with seven children. I returned with my wife and children. I lived in that country for thirty years.

You don't have to look far to understand why we had to come back to our fatherland. The (Cameroonian) gendarmes are brutal. They torture you and force you to pay the equivalent of thirty thousand naira for permit. They simply made life difficult for us.

While at sea fishing, you would only look up to see their marine marshals coming at you. They then take your boat or engine and any fish you caught, asking for tax. We were also made to pay for fishing permit, just anything that came to their mind. But their citizens never paid that. Other nationals were not treated like that also. The punishment was too much that we had to return. More are going to flee from there if they have a chance.

Albert Orubo

I was born in 1957 and married with 15 children. I have three wives. Cameroon is tough for Nigerians. We pay levies without end. Apart from paying for resident permit, you have to also pay other taxes like smoke tax, firewood tax. We were paying levies for boats and engines. We also paid tax for personal security.

Nobody could survive with such things. Even after they (Cameroon) got Bakassi, we though they would reduce the levies or treat us better. But that never happened. It was like they treated us more harshly.

Personally, I got tired of all these things. So, when the chance came to come back, I took it. I returned with all my children and wives. I am a school certificate holder and I would want my state government to provide money for me to resettle.

Mrs. Tombra Orubo

We suffered so much in Cameroon. We paid smoke tax, firewood tax, boat tax, woman tax. We had no rest of mind because you didn't know what they would tell you to pay the next day. I won't go back to Cameroon. Although I was born in Cameroon , you can't claim to be their national by (circumstances of your) birth. They won't allow it.

Nixon Ibirimu

My parents took me to Cameroon as a little boy in 1986. After staying a while in Cameroon I came and did some of my schooling in Bayelsa. I got my Senior Secondary Certificate and went back to Cameroon and started fishing. I'm single and not happy to be back in Nigeria because things are worse for us now that we're back. My local government area in Bayelsa is the number one oil-producing council in the state but do I have any opportunity to get any job? It's so bad. I lost three of my brothers in the Bakassi war. I appeal to our (Nigerian) governments to have a change of heart and help those of us who just came back from cameroon.


With the exception of soccer it is hard to read anything good about Cameroon. Where is that our beloved country heading to?


The government of Cameroon has been trying for a long time now to act like somebody trying to cheat his barber.The National budget is tailored to suit the temperament of people who live above their reach.This year it will stand at 1200billion,the very next year it will be skyrocketed to 1500.This implies that taxes must be collected at all cost to fill the vacuum.The question that readily comes to mind is ,how smooth can be the collection of taxes when there is not an enabling business environment? Petit traders ,medium -sized enterprizes are forced out of business because of over-taxation,yet the state needs a budget to function.Even when this budget is patched up through some foul means,there is and has never been a transparent redistribution into the structures and services the state controls.The various,and numerous Ministerial Departments Cameroon boasts of see the state as a kind uncle ,and they see the money allocated to their various ministries as compensation for being the best Motions of Support writers in the world,and for having studied in France or called Prof A,Dr B.More often than not these state Departments have used government funds to raise some white elephants with no fallouts in view.An example in case is the Bamenda National( excuse me)International airport that has lay fallow for so long,the Immeuble de la mort ,right at the heart of the city of Yaounde ,and the list is inexhaustible.These would have been big business endeavours with huge financial fallouts.
Revenue collection can only mean a thing when those who matter in the business arena respect their financial engagements vis-a-vis the state.But we know that the major business actors in cameroon practise financial terrorism.They play the Maradona on the state,by paying little or no taxes at all.The simple fact that they pay allegiance to the CPDM Godhead is enough reason to exempt themselves from taxes.This cannot help the state because it makes revenue collection extremely difficult.Revenue collectors are made to look elsewhere for salvation.They comb the same areas over and over .They then come up with fanciful nomenclatures like,woman tax,firewood tax,les Biafras tax,les Anglos tax.These financial terrorists who sing alleluia to Biya and the CPDM still use precious airtime on the state media to wash their images clean.All these to the detriment of the state.
The National budget is a projection of the government`s expenditure for a given period of time.It is therefore fanciful to think that the government will tax the citizens to death to balance up the national budget.If there`s no enabling business environment,if the economy is not buoyant,if the government turns a blind eye on tax evaders,if there`s selective crackdown on tax evaders,then the so called budgetary projections will fallshort of expectation,or will be attained through foul means.
To lower taxes,the state doesn`t necessarily have to scale down some services.Instead when taxes are cut,business activities increase,all the various sectors of the economy move along simultaneously,
thus there`s complementarity.When taxes are cut,this invites foreign business ventures,
who once in place will employ the locals,thereby reducing poverty and unemployment,and most of all their industries pay substantial taxes to the state.When taxes are reduced,there`s variety
and tax collectors don`t need to scrape through the same old sources everytime.
Finally when taxes are reduced,they are easy to pay,thus this facilitates the job of revenue collectors,who would not have to go up people`s ceilings to drag them down.


This is exactly what I hate in my country Cameroon. They always pretend as though they are fully aware of the causes of the country's economic down-turn but still yet nothing is done to remedy the situation. I strongly believe that all the points stated above as to why Ghana occupies a pleasant position in the recent survey are the same points that if implemented in Cameroon will better our economic situation greatly.

Cameroonian officials are heartless I must say because nothing will still be done despite results from this survey. I am realy ashame of my country, as many Ghanians now use Cameroon as an example of a country where no reform seems to take place.

High taxes, international trade dificulties, clearance process at customs, administrative bottle necks amonst others are some of the causes of our economic difficulties and unless the gorvenment addresses all these issues, then I dont find any reason to belong to that country where every one cares only about his own well-being and that of their relatives.

We should get up from slumber atleast for God's sake and the sake of mankind.


It simply does not make any difference to me and probably a majority of Cameroonians given the laxity at which government officials conduct business in Cameroon. In a developing country, a solid foundation arises from the creation of a good economic system that encourages both foreign/local businesses to inverst in any country

Numerous reporst have been releases before that depicted the state of high taxes in Cameroon but on the contrary, those reports got ignored just as this one. Most goverment official in Cameroon are corrupt, greedy, and infact don't give a damn about the well-bieng of its people and their future and so the cycle repeats over and over so long as the IMF keeps pumping money into a system that's broken.

The remedy to this is cut out the IMF completely from the affairs ( financil affairs)of the country and encourage Cameroon to emulate from countries like Ghana as mentioned in the report.

Tekum Mbeng


There seems to be a revolutionary spirit out there and the difference of opinion between Biya 's aging comrades and the Youth is widening.

This cannot be good for the country.

Muki StoneHall

Tayong,Francis Nche,Watesih et al...
You guys are simply terrific.Honestly speaking when it comes to this economics stuff I have very little or nothing to offer.All I can do is just sit quietly and read.I must confess your arguments and points are very powerful.Our nation needs economists like you guys.Unfortunately our gov't is that of Etoudi,by Etoudi for Beti/North.Any other voice or opinion does not count.More power to your elbows.


Kwame Nkrumah: Neo-Colonialism, the Last Stage of Imperialism, 1965.


THE neo-colonialism of today represents imperialism in its final and perhaps its most dangerous stage. In the past it was possible to convert a country upon which a neo-colonial regime had been imposed - Egypt in the nineteenth century is an example - into a colonial territory. Today this process is no longer feasible. Old-fashioned colonialism is by no means entirely abolished. It still constitutes an African problem, but it is everywhere on the retreat. Once a territory has become nominally independent it is no longer possible, as it was in the last century, to reverse the process. Existing colonies may linger on, but no new colonies will be created. In place of colonialism as the main instrument of imperialism we have today neo-colonialism.

The essence of neo-colonialism is that the State which is subject to it is, in theory, independent and has all the outward trappings of international sovereignty. In reality its economic system and thus its political policy is directed from outside.

The methods and form of this direction can take various shapes. For example, in an extreme case the troops of the imperial power may garrison the territory of the neo-colonial State and control the government of it. More often, however, neo-colonialist control is exercised through economic or monetary means. The neo-colonial State may be obliged to take the manufactured products of the imperialist power to the exclusion of competing products from elsewhere. Control over government policy in the neo-colonial State may be secured by payments towards the cost of running the State, by the pro­vision of civil servants in positions where they can dictate policy, and by monetary control over foreign exchange through the imposition of a banking system controlled by the imperial power.

Where neo-colonialism exists the power exercising control is often the State which formerly ruled the territory in question, but this is not necessarily so. For example, in the case of South Vietnam the former imperial power was France, but neo-colonial control of the State has now gone to the United States. It is possible that neo-colonial control may be exercised by a consortium of financial interests which are not specifically identifiable with any particular State. The control of the Congo by great international financial concerns is a case in point.

The result of neo-colonialism is that foreign capital is used for the exploitation rather than for the development of the less developed parts of the world. Investment under neo-colonialism increases rather than decreases the gap between the rich and the poor countries of the world.

The struggle against neo-colonialism is not aimed at exclud­ing the capital of the developed world from operating in less developed countries. It is aimed at preventing the financial power of the developed countries being used in such a way as to impoverish the less developed.

Non-alignment, as practised by Ghana and many other countries, is based on co-operation with all States whether they be capitalist, socialist or have a mixed economy. Such a policy, therefore, involves foreign investment from capitalist countries, but it must be invested in accordance with a national plan drawn up by the government of the non-aligned State with its own interests in mind. The issue is not what return the foreign investor receives on his investments. He may, in fact, do better for himself if he invests in a non-aligned country than if he invests in a neo-colonial one. The question is one of power. A State in the grip of neo-colonialism is not master of its own destiny. It is this factor which makes neo-colonialism such a serious threat to world peace. The growth of nuclear weapons has made out of date the old-fashioned balance of power which rested upon the ultimate sanction of a major war. Certainty of mutual mass destruction effectively prevents either of the great power blocs from threatening the other with the possibility of a world-wide war, and military conflict has thus become confined to 'limited wars'. For these neo-colonialism is the breeding ground.

Such wars can, of course, take place in countries which are not neo-colonialist controlled. Indeed their object may be to establish in a small but independent country a neo-colonialist regime. The evil of neo-colonialism is that it prevents the formation of those large units which would make impossible 'limited war'. To give one example: if Africa was united, no major power bloc would attempt to subdue it by limited war because from the very nature of limited war, what can be achieved by it is itself limited. It is, only where small States exist that it is possible, by landing a few thousand marines or by financing a mercenary force, to secure a decisive result.

The restriction of military action of 'limited wars' is, however, no guarantee of world peace and is likely to be the factor which will ultimately involve the great power blocs in a world war, however much both are determined to avoid it.

Limited war, once embarked upon, achieves a momentum of its own. Of this, the war in South Vietnam is only one example. It escalates despite the desire of the great power blocs to keep it limited. While this particular war may be prevented from leading to a world conflict, the multiplication of similar limited wars can only have one end-world war and the terrible consequences of nuclear conflict.

Neo-colonialism is also the worst form of imperialism. For those who practise it, it means power without responsibility and for those who suffer from it, it means exploitation without redress. In the days of old-fashioned colonialism, the imperial power had at least to explain and justify at home the actions it was taking abroad. In the colony those who served the ruling imperial power could at least look to its protection against any violent move by their opponents. With neo-colonialism neither is the case.

Above all, neo-colonialism, like colonialism before it, postpones the facing of the social issues which will have to be faced by the fully developed sector of the world before the danger of world war can be eliminated or the problem of world poverty resolved.

Neo-colonialism, like colonialism, is an attempt to export the social conflicts of the capitalist countries. The temporary success of this policy can be seen in the ever widening gap between the richer and the poorer nations of the world. But the internal contradictions and conflicts of neo-colonialism make it certain that it cannot endure as a permanent world policy. How it should be brought to an end is a problem that should be studied, above all, by the developed nations of the world, because it is they who will feel the full impact of the ultimate failure. The longer it continues the more certain it is that its inevitable collapse will destroy the social system of which they have made it a foundation.

The reason for its development in the post-war period can be briefly summarised. The problem which faced the wealthy nations of the world at the end of the second world war was the impossibility of returning to the pre-war situation in which there was a great gulf between the few rich and the many poor. Irrespective of what particular political party was in power, the internal pressures in the rich countries of the world were such that no post-war capitalist country could survive unless it became a 'Welfare State'. There might be differences in degree in the extent of the social benefits given to the in-dustrial and agricultural workers, but what was everywhere impossible was a return to the mass unemployment and to the low level of living of the pre-war years.

From the end of the nineteenth century onwards, colonies had been regarded as a source of wealth which could be used to mitigate the class conflicts in the capitalist States and, as will be explained later, this policy had some success. But it failed in 'its ultimate object because the pre-war capitalist States were so organised internally that the bulk of the profit made from colonial possessions found its way into the pockets of the capitalist class and not into those of the workers. Far from achieving the object intended, the working-class parties at times tended to identify their interests with those of the colonial peoples and the imperialist powers found themselves engaged upon a conflict on two fronts, at home with their own workers and abroad against the growing forces of colonial liberation.

The post-war period inaugurated a very different colonial policy. A deliberate attempt was made to divert colonial earnings from the wealthy class and use them instead generally to finance the 'Welfare State'. As will be seen from the examples given later, this was the method consciously adopted even by those working-class leaders who had before the war regarded the colonial peoples as their natural allies against their capitalist enemies at home.

At first it was presumed that this object could be achieved by maintaining the pre-war colonial system. Experience soon proved that attempts to do so would be disastrous and would only provoke colonial wars, thus dissipating the anticipated gains from the continuance of the colonial regime. Britain, in particular, realised this at an early stage and the correctness of the British judgement at the time has subsequently been demonstrated by the defeat of French colonialism in the Far East and Algeria and the failure of the Dutch to retain any of their former colonial empire.

The system of neo-colonialism was therefore instituted and in the short run it has served the developed powers admirably. It is in the long run that its consequences are likely to be catastrophic for them.

Neo-colonialism is based upon the principle of breaking up former large united colonial territories into a number of small non-viable States which are incapable of independent develop­ment and must rely upon the former imperial power for defence and even internal security. Their economic and financial systems are linked, as in colonial days, with those of the former colonial ruler.

At first sight the scheme would appear to have many advantages for the developed countries of the world. All the profits of neo-colonialism can be secured if, in any given area, a reasonable proportion of the States have a neo-colonialist system. It is not necessary that they allshould have one. Unless small States can combine they must be compelled to sell their primary products at prices dictated by the developed nations and buy their manufactured goods at the prices fixed by them. So long as neo-colonialism can prevent political and economic conditions for optimum development, the developing countries, whether they are under neo-colonialist control or not, will be unable to create a large enough market to support industrialisation. In the same way they will lack the financial strength to force the developed countries to accept their primary products at a fair price.

In the neo-colonialist territories, since the former colonial power has in theory relinquished political control, if the social conditions occasioned by neo-colonialism cause a revolt the local neo-colonialist government can be sacrificed and another equally subservient one substituted in its place. On the other hand, in any continent where neo-colonialism exists on a wide scale the same social pressures which can produce revolts in neo-colonial territories will also affect those States which have refused to accept the system and therefore neo-colonialist nations have a ready-made weapon with which they can threaten their opponents if they appear successfully to be challenging the system.

These advantages, which seem at first sight so obvious, are, however, on examination, illusory because they fail to take into consideration the facts of the world today.

The introduction of neo-colonialism increases the rivalry between the great powers which was provoked by the old-style colonialism. However little real power the government of a neo-colonialist State may possess, it must have, from the very fact of its nominal independence, a certain area of manoeuvre. It may not be able to exist without a neo-colonialist master but it may still have the ability to change masters.

The ideal neo-colonialist State would be one which was wholly subservient to neo-colonialist interests but the existence of the socialist nations makes it impossible to enforce the full rigour of the neo-colonialist system. The existence of an alternative system is itself a challenge to the neo-colonialist regime. Warnings about 'the dangers of Communist subversion are likely to be two-edged since they bring to the notice of those living under a neo-colonialist system the possibility of a change of regime. In fact neo-colonialism is the victim of its own contradictions. In order to make it attractive to those upon whom it is practised it must be shown as capable of raising their living standards, but the economic object of neo-colonialism is to keep those standards depressed in the interest of the developed countries. It is only when this contradiction is understood that the failure of innumerable 'aid' programmes, many of them well intentioned, can be explained.

In the first place, the rulers of neo-colonial States derive their authority to govern, not from the will of the people, but from the support which they obtain from their neo-colonialist masters. They have therefore little interest in developing education, strengthening the bargaining power of their workers employed by expatriate firms, or indeed of taking any step which would challenge the colonial pattern of commerce and industry, which it is the object of neo-colonialism to preserve. 'Aid', therefore, to a neo-colonial State is merely a revolving credit, paid by the neo-colonial master, passing through the neo-colonial State and returning to the neo-colonial master in the form of increased profits.

Secondly, it is in the field of 'aid' that the rivalry of individual developed States first manifests itself. So long as neo-colonialism persists so long will spheres of interest persist, and this makes multilateral aid - which is in fact the only effective form of aid - impossible.

Once multilateral aid begins the neo-colonialist masters are f aced by the hostility of the vested interests in their own country. Their manufacturers naturally object to any attempt to raise the price of the raw materials which they obtain from the neo-colonialist territory in question, or to the establishment there of manufacturing industries which might compete directly or indirectly with their own exports to the territory. Even education is suspect as likely to produce a student movement and it is, of course, true that in many less developed countries the students have been in the vanguard of the fight against neo-colonialism.

In the end the situation arises that the only type of aid which the neo-colonialist masters consider as safe is 'military aid'.

Once a neo-colonialist territory is brought to such a state of economic chaos and misery that revolt actually breaks out then, and only then, is there no limit to the generosity of the neo-colonial overlord, provided, of course, that the funds supplied are utilised exclusively for military purposes.

Military aid in fact marks the last stage of neo-colonialism and its effect is self-destructive. Sooner or later the weapons supplied pass into the hands of the opponents of the neo­-colonialist regime and the war itself increases the social misery which originally provoked it.

Neo-colonialism is a mill-stone around the necks of the developed countries which practise it. Unless they can rid themselves of it, it will drown them. Previously the developed powers could escape from the contradictions of neo-colonialism by substituting for it direct colonialism. Such a solution is no longer possible and the reasons for it have been well explained by Mr Owen Lattimore, the United States Far Eastern expert and adviser to Chiang Kai-shek in the immediate post-war period. He wrote:

'Asia, which was so easily and swiftly subjugated by conquerors in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, dis­played an amazing ability stubbornly to resist modern armies equipped with aeroplanes, tanks, motor vehicles and mobile artillery.

Formerly big territories were conquered in Asia with small forces. Income, first of all from plunder, then from direct taxes and lastly from trade, capital investments and long-term exploitation, covered with incredible speed the expenditure for military operations. This arithmetic repre­sented a great temptation to strong countries. Now they have run up against another arithmetic, and it discourages them.’

The same arithmetic is likely to apply throughout the less developed world.

This book is therefore an attempt to examine neo-colonialism not only in its African context and its relation to African unity, but in world perspective. Neo-colonialism is by no means exclusively an African question. Long before it was practised on any large scale in Africa it was an established system in other parts of the world. Nowhere has it proved successful, either in raising living standards or in ultimately benefiting countries which have indulged in it.

Marx predicted that the growing gap between the wealth of the possessing classes and the workers it employs would ultimately produce a conflict fatal to capitalism in each individual capitalist State.

This conflict between the rich and the poor has now been transferred on to the international scene, but for proof of what is acknowledged to be happening it is no longer necessary to consult the classical Marxist writers. The situation is set out with the utmost clarity in the leading organs of capitalist opinion. Take for example the following extracts from The Wall Street Journal, the newspaper which perhaps best reflects United States capitalist thinking.

In its issue of 12 May 1965, under the headline of 'Poor Nations' Plight', the paper first analyses 'which countries are considered industrial and which backward'. There is, it explains, 'no rigid method of classification’. Nevertheless, it points out:

'A generally used breakdown, however, has recently been maintained by the International Monetary Fund because, in the words of an IMF official, "the economic demarcation in the world is getting increasingly apparent."' The break-down, the official says, "is based on simple common sense.”’

In the IMF's view, the industrial countries are the United States, the United Kingdom, most West European nations, Canada and Japan. A special category called "other developed areas" includes such other European lands as Finland, Greece and Ireland, plus Australia, New Zealand and South Africa. The IMF's "less developed" category embraces all of Latin America and nearly all of the Middle East, non-Communist Asia and Africa.'

In other words the 'backward' countries are those situated in the neo-colonial areas.

After quoting figures to support its argument, The Wall Street Journal comments on this situation:

‘The industrial nations have added nearly $2 billion to their reserves, which now approximate $52 billion. At the same time, the reserves of the less-developed group not only have stopped rising, but have declined some $200 million. To analysts such as Britain's Miss Ward, the significance of such statistics is clear: the economic gap is rapidly widening "between a white, complacent, highly bourgeois, very wealthy, very small North Atlantic elite and everybody else, and this is not a very comfortable heritage to leave to one's children.”

"Everybody else" includes approximately two-thirds of the population of the earth, spread through about 100 nations.’

This is no new problem. In the opening paragraph of his book, The War on World Poverty,written in 1953, the present British Labour leader, Mr Harold Wilson, summarised the major problem of the world as he then saw it:

'For the vast majority of mankind the most urgent problem is not war, or Communism, or the cost of living, or taxation. It is hunger. Over 1,500,000,000 people, some-thing like two-thirds of the world's population, are living in conditions of acute hunger, defined in terms of identifiable nutritional disease. This hunger is at the same time the effect and the cause of the poverty, squalor and misery in which they live.'

Its consequences are likewise understood. The correspondent of The Wall Street Journalpreviously quoted, underlines them:

‘. . . many diplomats and economists view the implications as overwhelmingly - and dangerously - political. Unless the present decline can be reversed, these analysts fear, the United States and other wealthy industrial powers of the West face the distinct possibility, in the words of British economist Barbara Ward, "of a sort of international class war”.’

What is lacking are any positive proposals for dealing with the situation. All that The Wall Street Journal'scorrespondent can do is to point out that the traditional methods recom­mended for curing the evils are only likely to make the situation worse.

It has been argued that the developed nations should effectively assist the poorer parts of the world, and that the whole world should be turned into a Welfare State. However, there seems little prospect that anything of this sort could be achieved. The so-called 'aid' programmes to help backward economies represent, according to a rough U.N. estimate, only one half of one per cent of the total income of industrial countnes. But when it comes to the prospect of increasing such aid the mood is one of pessimism:

'A large school of thought holds that expanded share-the-wealth schemes are idealistic and impractical. This school contends climate, undeveloped human skills, lack of natural resources and other factors - not just lack of money - retard economic progress in many of these lands, and that the countries lack personnel with the training or will to use vastly expanded aid effectively. Share-the-wealth schemes, according to this view, would be like pouring money down a bottomless well, weakening the donor nations without effectively curing the ills of the recipients.'

The absurdity of this argument is demonstrated by the fact that every one of the reasons quoted to prove why the less developed parts of the world cannot be developed applied equally strongly to the present developed countries in the period prior to their development. The argument is only true in this sense. The less developed world will not become developed through the goodwill or generosity of the developed powers. It can only become developed through a struggle against the external forces which have a vested interest in keeping it undeveloped.

Of these forces, neo-colonialism is, at this stage of history, the principal.

I propose to analyse neo-colonialism, first, by examining the state of the African continent and showing how neo-colonialism at the moment keeps it artificially poor. Next, I propose to show how in practice African Unity, which in itself can only be established by the defeat of neo-colonialism, could immensely raise African living standards. From this beginning, I propose to examine neo-colonialism generally, first historically and then by a consideration of the great international monopolies whose continued stranglehold on the neo-colonial sectors of the world ensures the continuation of the system.

Chapter 18

The mechanisms of neo-colonialism

IN order to halt foreign interference in the affairs of developing countries it is necessary to study, understand, expose and actively combat neo-colonialism in whatever guise it may appear. For the methods of neo-colonialists are subtle and varied. They operate not only in the economic field, but also in the political, religious, ideological and cultural spheres.

Faced with the militant peoples of the ex-colonial territories in Asia, Africa, the Caribbean and Latin America, imperialism simply switches tactics. Without a qualm it dispenses with its flags, and even with certain of its more hated expatriate officials. This means, so it claims, that it is 'giving' independence to its former subjects, to be followed by 'aid' for their development. Under cover of such phrases, however, it devises innumerable ways to accomplish objectives formerly achieved by naked colonialism. It is this sum total of these modern attempts to perpetuate colonialism while at the same time talking about 'freedom', which has come to be known as neo-colonialism.

Foremost among the neo-colonialists is the United States, which has long exercised its power in Latin America. Fumblingly at first she turned towards Europe, and then with more cer­tainty after world war two when most countries of that continent were indebted to her. Since then, with methodical thoroughness and touching attention to detail, the Pentagon set about consolidating its ascendancy, evidence of which can be seen all around the world.

Who really rules in such places as Great Britain, West Germany, Japan, Spain, Portugal or Italy? If General de Gaulle is 'defecting' from U.S. monopoly control, what interpretation can be placed on his 'experiments' in the Sahara desert, his paratroopers in Gabon, or his trips to Cambodia and Latin America?

Lurking behind such questions are the extended tentacles of the Wall Street octopus. And its suction cups and muscular strength are provided by a phenomenon dubbed 'The Invisible Government', arising from Wall Street's connection with the Pentagon and various intelligence services. I quote:

'The Invisible Government . . . is a loose amorphous grouping of individuals and agencies drawn from many parts of the visible government. It is not limited to the Central Intelligence Agency, although the CIA is at its heart. Nor is it confined to the nine other agencies which comprise what is known as the intelligence community: the National Security Council, the Defense Intelligence Agency, the National Security Agency, Army Intelligence, Navy Intelli­gence and Research, the Atomic Energy Commission and the Federal Bureau of Investigation.

The Invisible Government includes also many other units and agencies, as well as individuals, that appear outwardly to be a normal part of the conventional government. It even encompasses business firms and institutions that are seemingly private.

To an extent that is only beginning to be perceived, this shadow government is shaping the lives of 190,000,000 Americans. An informed citizen might come to suspect that the foreign policy of the United States often works publicly in one direction and secretly through the Invisible Government in just the opposite direction.

This Invisible Government is a relatively new institution. It came into being as a result of two related factors: the rise of the United States after World War II to a position of pre­-eminent world power, and the challenge to that power by Soviet Communism. . .

By 1964 the intelligence network had grown into a massive hidden apparatus, secretly employing about 200,000 persons and spending billions of dollars a year. [The Invisible Government, David Wise and Thomas B. Ross, Random House, New York, 1964.]

Here, from the very citadel of neo-colonialism, is a descrip­tion of the apparatus which now directs all other Western intelligence set-ups either by persuasion or by force. Results were achieved in Algeria during the April 1961 plot of anti­-de Gaulle generals; as also in Guatemala, Iraq, Iran, Suez and the famous U-2 spy intrusion of Soviet air space which wrecked the approaching Summit, then in West Germany and again in East Germany in the riots of 1953, in Hungary's abortive crisis of 1959, Poland's of September 1956, and in Korea, Burma, Formosa, Laos, Cambodia and South Vietnam; they are evident in the trouble in Congo (Leopoldville) which began with Lumumba's murder, and continues till now; in events in Cuba, Turkey, Cyprus, Greece, and in other places too numerous to catalogue completely.

And with what aim have these innumerable incidents occurred? The general objective has been mentioned: to achieve colonialism in fact while preaching independence.

On the economic front, a strong factor favouring Western monopolies and acting against the developing world is inter-national capital's control of the world market, as well as of the prices of commodities bought and sold there. From 1951 to 1961, without taking oil into consideration, the general level of prices for primary products fell by 33.l per cent, while prices of manufactured goods rose 3.5 per cent (within which, machinery and equipment prices rose 31.3 per cent). In that same decade this caused a loss to the Asian, African and Latin American countries, using 1951 prices as a basis, of some $41,400 million. In the same period, while the volume of exports from these countries rose, their earnings in foreign exchange from such exports decreased.

Another technique of neo-colonialism is the use of high rates of interest. Figures from the World Bank for 1962 showed that seventy-one Asian, African and Latin American countries owed foreign debts of some $27,000 million, on which they paid in interest and service charges some $5,000 million. Since then, such foreign debts have been estimated as more than £30,000 million in these areas. In 1961, the interest rates on almost three-quarters of the loans offered by the major imperialist powers amounted to more than five per cent, in some cases up to seven or eight per cent, while the call-in periods of such loans have been burdensomely short.

While capital worth $30,000 million was exported to some fifty-six developing countries between 1956 and 1962, 'it is estimated that interest and profit alone extracted on this sum from the debtor countries amounted to more than £15,000 million. This method of penetration by economic aid recently soared into prominence when a number of countries began rejecting it. Ceylon, Indonesia and Cambodia are among those who turned it down. Such 'aid' is estimated on the annual average to have amounted to $2,600 million between 1951 and 1955; $4,007 million between 1956 and 1959, and $6,000 million between 1960 and 1962. But the average sums taken out of the aided countries by such donors in a sample year, 1961, are estimated to amount to $5,000 million in profits, $1,000 million in interest, and $5,800 million from non-equivalent exchange, or a total of $11,800 million extracted against $6,000 million put in. Thus, 'aid' turns out to be another means of exploitation, a modern method of capital export under a more cosmetic name.

Still another neo-colonialist trap on the economic front has come to be known as 'multilateral aid' through international organisations: the International Monetary Fund, the Inter-national Bank for Reconstruction and Development (known as the World Bank), the International Finance Corporation and the International Development Association are examples, all, significantly, having U.S. capital as their major backing. These agencies have the habit of forcing would-be borrowers to submit to various offensive conditions, such as supplying information about their economies, submitting their policy and plans to review by the World Bank and accepting agency supervision of their use of loans. As for the alleged development, between 1960 and mid-1963 the International Develop­ment Association promised a total of $500 million to applicants, out of which only $70 million were actually received.

In more recent years, as pointed out by Monitor in The Times, 1 July 1965, there has been a substantial increase in communist technical and economic aid activities in developing countries. During 1964 the total amount of assistance offered was approximately £600 million. This was almost a third of the total communist aid given during the previous decade. The Middle East received about 40 per cent of the total, Asia 36 per cent, Africa 22 per cent and Latin America the rest.

Increased Chinese activity was responsible to some extent for the larger amount of aid offered in 1964, though China contributed only a quarter of the total aid committed; the Soviet Union provided a half, and the East European countries a quarter.

Although aid from socialist countries still falls far short of that offered from the west, it is often more impressive, since it is swift and flexible, and interest rates on communist loans are only about two per cent compared with five to six per cent charged on loans from western countries.

Nor is the whole story of 'aid' contained in figures, for there are conditions which hedge it around: the conclusion of com­merce and navigation treaties; agreements for economic co-operation; the right to meddle in internal finances, including currency and foreign exchange, to lower trade barriers in favour of the donor country's goods and capital; to protect the interests of private investments; determination of how the funds are to be used; forcing the recipient to set up counterpart funds; to supply raw materials to the donor; and use of such funds a majority of it, in fact to buy goods from the donor nation. These conditions apply to industry, commerce, agri­culture, shipping and insurance, apart from others which are political and military.

So-called 'invisible trade' furnishes the Western monopolies with yet another means of economic penetration. Over 90 per cent of world ocean shipping is controlled by me imperialist countries. They control shipping rates and, between 1951 and 1961, they increased them some five times in a total rise of about 60 per cent, the upward trend continuing. Thus, net annual freight expenses incurred by Asia, Africa and Latin America amount to no less than an estimated $1,600 million. This is over and above all other profits and interest payments. As for insurance payments, in 1961 alone these amounted to an unfavourable balance in Asia, Africa and Latin America of some additional $370 million.

Having waded through all this, however, we have begun to understand only the basic methods of neo-colonialism. The full extent of its inventiveness is far from exhausted.

In the labour field, for example, imperialism operates through labour arms like the Social Democratic parties of Europe led by the British Labour Party, and through such instruments as the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), now apparently being superseded by the New York Africa-American Labour Centre (AALC) under AFL-CIO chief George Meany and the well-known CIA man in labour's top echelons, Irving Brown.

In 1945, out of the euphoria of anti-fascist victory, the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) had been formed, including all world labour except the U.S. American Federa­tion of Labor (AFL). By 1949, however, led by the British Trade Union Congress (TUC), a number of pro-imperialist labour bodies in the West broke away from the WFTU over the issue of anti-colonialist liberation, and set up the ICFTU.

For ten years it continued under British TUC leadership. Its record in Africa, Asia and Latin America could gratify only the big international monopolies which were extracting super-profits from those areas.

In 1959, at Brussels, the United States AFL-CIO union centre fought for and won control of the ICFTU Executive Board. From then on a flood of typewriters, mimeograph machines, cars, supplies, buildings, salaries and, so it is still averred, outright bribes for labour leaders in various parts of the developing world rapidly linked ICFTU in the minds of the rank and file with the CIA. To such an extent did its prestige suffer under these American bosses that, in 1964, the AFL-CIO brains felt it necessary to establish a fresh outfit. They set up the AALC in New York right across the river from the United Nations.

'As a steadfast champion of national independence, democ­racy and social justice', unblushingly stated the April 1965 Bulletin put out by this Centre, 'the AFL-CIO will strengthen its efforts to assist the advancement of the economic conditions of the African peoples. Toward this end, steps have been taken to expand assistance to the African free trade unions by organising the African-American Labour Centre. Such assist­ance will help African labour play a vital role in the economic and democratic upbuilding of their countries.'

The March issue of this Bulletin, however, gave the game away: 'In mobilising capital resources for investment in Workers Education, Vocational Training, Co-operatives, Health Clinics and Housing, the Centre will work with both private and public institutions. It will also encourage labour-management co-operation to expand American capital investment in the African nations.' The italics are mine. Could anything be plainer?

Following a pattern previously set by the ICFTU, it has already started classes: one for drivers and mechanics in Nigeria, one in tailoring in Kenya. Labour scholarships are being offered to Africans who want to study trade unionism in of all places-Austria, ostensibly by the Austrian unions. Elsewhere, labour, organised into political parties of which the British Labour Party is a leading and typical example, has shown a similar aptitude for encouraging 'Labour-management co-operation to expand . . . capital investment in African nations.'

But as the struggle sharpens, even these measures of neo­-colonialism are proving too mild. So Africa, Asia and Latin America have begun to experience a round of coups d'etat or would-be coups, together with a series of political assassina­tions which have destroyed in their political primes some of the newly emerging nations best leaders. To ensure success in these endeavours, the imperialists have made widespread and wily use of ideological and cultural weapons in the form of intrigues, manoeuvres and slander campaigns.

Some of these methods used by neo-colonialists to slip past our guard must now be examined. The first is retention by the departing colonialists of various kinds of privileges which infringe on our sovereignty: that of setting up military bases or stationing troops in former colonies and the supplying of 'advisers' of one sort or another. Sometimes a number of 'rights' are demanded: land concessions, prospecting rights for minerals and/or oil; the 'right' to collect customs, to carry out administration, to issue paper money; to be exempt from customs duties and/or taxes for expatriate enterprises; and, above all, the 'right' to provide 'aid'. Also demanded and granted are privileges in the cultural field; that Western information services be exclusive; and that those from socialist countries be excluded.

Even the cinema stories of fabulous Hollywood are loaded. One has only to listen to the cheers of an African audience as Hollywood's heroes slaughter red Indians or Asiatics to understand the effectiveness of this weapon. For, in the developing continents, where the colonialist heritage has left a vast majority still illiterate, even the smallest child gets the message contained in the blood and thunder stories emanating from California. And along with murder and the Wild West goes an incessant barrage of anti-socialist propaganda, in which the trade union man, the revolutionary, or the man of dark skin is generally cast as the villain, while the policeman, the gum-shoe, the Federal agent - in a word, the CIA - type spy is ever the hero. Here, truly, is the ideological under-belly of those political murders which so often use local people as their instruments.

While Hollywood takes care of fiction, the enormous monopoly press, together with the outflow of slick, clever, expensive magazines, attends to what it chooses to call 'news. Within separate countries, one or two news agencies control the news handouts, so that a deadly uniformity is achieved, regardless of the number of separate newspapers or magazines; while internationally, the financial preponderance of the United States is felt more and more through its foreign correspondents and offices abroad, as well as through its influence over inter-national capitalist journalism. Under this guise, a flood of anti-liberation propaganda emanates from the capital cities of the West, directed against China, Vietnam, Indonesia, Algeria, Ghana and all countries which hack out their own independent path to freedom. Prejudice is rife. For example, wherever there is armed struggle against the forces of reaction, the nationalists are referred to as rebels, terrorists, or frequently 'communist terrorists'!

Perhaps one of the most insidious methods of the neo­-colonialists is evangelism. Following the liberation movement there has been a veritable riptide of religious sects, the overwhelming majority of them American. Typical of these are Jehovah's Witnesses who recently created trouble in certain developing countries by busily teaching their citizens not to salute the new national flags. 'Religion' was too thin to smother the outcry that arose against this activity, and a temporary lull followed. But the number of evangelists continues to grow.

Yet even evangelism and the cinema are only two twigs on a much bigger tree. Dating from the end of 1961, the U.S. has actively developed a huge ideological plan for invading the so-called Third World, utilising all its facilities from press and radio to Peace Corps.

During 1962 and 1963 a number of international conferences to this end were held in several places, such as Nicosia in Cyprus, San Jose' in Costa Rica, and Lagos in Nigeria. Parti­cipants included the CIA, the U.S. Information Agency (USIA), the Pentagon, the International Development Agency, the Peace Corps and others. Programmes were drawn up which included the systematic use of U.S. citizens abroad in virtual intelligence activities and propaganda work. Methods of recruiting political agents and of forcing 'alliances' with the U.S.A. were worked out. At the centre of its programmes lay the demand for an absolute U.S. monopoly in the field of propaganda, as well as for counteracting any independent efforts by developing states in the realm of information.

The United States sought, and still seeks, with considerable success, to co-ordinate on the basis of its own strategy the propaganda activities of all Western countries. In October 1961, a conference of NATO countries was held in Rome to discuss problems of psychological warfare. It appealed for the organisation of combined ideological operations in Afro-Asian countries by all participants.

In May and June 1962 a seminar was convened by the U.S. in Vienna on ideological warfare. It adopted a secret decision to engage in a propaganda offensive against the developing countries along lines laid down by the U.S.A. It was agreed that NATO propaganda agencies would, in practice if not in the public eye, keep in close contact with U.S. Embassies in their respective countries.

Among instruments of such Western psychological warfare are numbered the intelligence agencies of Western countries headed by those of the United States 'Invisible Government'. But most significant among them all are Moral Re-Armament QARA), the Peace Corps and the United States Information Agency (USIA).

Moral Re-Armament is an organisation founded in 1938 by the American, Frank Buchman. In the last days before the second world war, it advocated the appeasement of Hitler, often extolling Himmler, the Gestapo chief. In Africa, MRA incursions began at the end of World War II. Against the big anti-colonial upsurge that followed victory in 1945, MRA spent millions advocating collaboration between the forces oppressing the African peoples and those same peoples. It is not without significance that Moise Tshombe and Joseph Kasavubu of Congo (Leopoldville) are both MRA supporters. George Seldes, in his book One Thousand Americans, charac­tensed MRA as a fascist organisation 'subsidised by . . . Fascists, and with a long record of collaboration with Fascists the world over. . . .' This description is supported by the active participation in MRA of people like General Carpentier, former commander of NATO land forces, and General Ho Ying-chin, one of Chiang Kai-shek's top generals. To cap this, several newspapers, some of them in the Western ;vorld, have claimed that MRA is actually subsidised by the CIA.

When MRA’s influence began to fail, some new instrument to cover the ideological arena was desired. It came in the establishment of the American Peace Corps in 1961 by President John Kennedy, with Sargent Shriver, Jr., his brother-in-law, in charge. Shriver, a millionaire who made his pile in land speculation in Chicago, was also known as the friend, confidant and co-worker of the former head of the Central Intelligence Agency, Allen Dulles. These two had worked together in both the Office of Strategic Services, U.S. war-time intelligence agency, and in the CIA.

Shriver's record makes a mockery of President Kennedy's alleged instruction to Shriver to 'keep the CIA out of the Peace Corps'. So does the fact that, although the Peace Corps is advertised as a voluntary organisation, all its members are carefully screened by the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI).

Since its creation in 1961, members of the Peace Corps have been exposed and expelled from many African, Middle Eastern and Asian countries for acts of subversion or prejudice. Indonesia, Tanzania, the Philippines, and even pro-West countries like Turkey and Iran, have complained of its activities.

However, perhaps the chief executor of U.S. psychological warfare is the United States Information Agency (USIA). Even for the wealthiest nation on earth, the U.S. lavishes an unusual amount of men, materials and money on this vehicle for its neo-colonial aims.

The USIA is staffed by some 12,000 persons to the tune of more than $130 million a year. It has more than seventy editorial staffs working on publications abroad. Of its network comprising 110 radio stations, 60 are outside the U.S. Programmes are broadcast for Africa by American stations in Morocco, Eritrea, Liberia, Crete, and Barcelona, Spain, as well as from off-shore stations on American ships. In Africa alone, the USIA transmits about thirty territorial and national radio programmes whose content glorifies the U.S. while attempting to discredit countries with an independent foreign policy.

The USIA boasts more than 120 branches in about 100 countries, 50 of which are in Africa alone. It has 250 centres in foreign countries, each of which is usually associated with a library. It employs about 200 cinemas and 8,000 projectors which draw upon its nearly 300 film libraries.

This agency is directed by a central body which operates in the name of the U.S. President, planning and co-ordinating its activities in close touch with the Pentagon, CIA and other Cold War agencies, including even armed forces intelligence centres.

In developing countries, the USIA actively tries to prevent expansion of national media of information so as itself to capture the market-place of ideas. It spends huge sums for publication and distribution of about sixty newspapers and magazines in Africa, Asia and Latin America.

The American government backs the USIA through direct pressures on developing nations. To ensure its agency a complete monopoly in propaganda, for instance, many agreements for economic co-operation offered by the U.S. include a demand that Americans be granted preferential rights to dis­seminate information. At the same time, in trying to close the new nations to other sources of information, it employs other pressures. For instance, after agreeing to set up USIA information centres in their countries, both Togo and Congo (Leopoldville) originally hoped to follow a non-aligned path and permit Russian information centres as a balance. But Washington threatened to stop all aid, thereby forcing these two countries to renounce their plan.

Unbiassed studies of the USIA by such authorities as Dr R. Holt of Princeton University, Retired Colonel R. Van de Velde, former intelligence agents Murril Dayer, Wilson Dizard and others, have all called attention to the close ties between this agency and U.S. Intelligence. For example, Deputy Director Donald M. Wilson was a political intelligence agent in the U.S. Army. Assistant Director for Europe, Joseph Philips, was a successful espionage agent in several Eastern European countries.

Some USIA duties further expose its nature as a top intelligence arm of the U.S. imperialists. In the first place, it is expected to analyse the situation in each country, making recommendations to its Embassy, thereby to its Government, about changes that can tip the local balance in U.S. favour. Secondly, it organises networks of monitors for radio broadcasts and telephone conversations, while recruiting informers from government offices. It also hires people to distribute U.S. propaganda. Thirdly, it collects secret information with special reference to defence and economy, as a means of eliminating its international military and economic competitors. Fourthly, it buys its way into local publications to influence their policies, of which Latin America furnishes numerous examples. It has been active in bribing public figures, for example in Kenya and Tunisia. Finally, it finances, directs and often supplies with arms all anti-neutralist forces in the developing countries, witness Tshombe in Congo (Leopoldville) and Pak Hung Ji in South Korea. In a word, with virtually unlimited finances, there seems no bounds to its inventiveness in subversion.

One of the most recent developments in neo-colonialist strategy is the suggested establishment of a Businessmen Corps which will, like the Peace Corps, act in developing countries. In an article on 'U.S. Intelligence and the Monopolies' in International Affairs (Moscow, January 1965), V. Chernyavsky writes: 'There can hardly be any doubt that this Corps is a new U.S. intelligence organisation created on the initiative of the American monopolies to use Big Business for espionage. It is by no means unusual for U.S. Intelligence to set up its own business firms which are merely thinly disguised espionage centres. For example, according to Chernyavsky, the C.I.A. has set up a firm in Taiwan known as Western Enterprises Inc. Under this cover it sends spies and saboteurs to South China. The New Asia Trading Company, a CIA firm in India, has also helped to camouflage U.S. intelligence agents operating in South-east Asia.

Such is the catalogue of neo-colonialism's activities and methods in our time. Upon reading it, the faint-hearted might come to feel that they must give up in despair before such an array of apparent power and seemingly inexhaustible resources.

Fortunately, however, history furnishes innumerable proofs of one of its own major laws; that the budding future is always stronger than the withering past. This has been amply demonstrated during every major revolution throughout history.

The American Revolution of 1776 struggled through to victory over a tangle of inefficiency, mismanagement, cor­ruption, outright subversion and counter-revolution the like of which has been repeated to some degree in every subsequent revolution to date.

The Russian Revolution during the period of Intervention, 1917 to 1922, appeared to be dying on its feet. The Chinese Revolution at one time was forced to pull out of its existing bases, lock stock and barrel, and make the unprecedented Long March; yet it triumphed. Imperialist white mercenaries who dropped so confidently out of the skies on Stanleyville after a plane trip from Ascension Island thought that their job would be 'duck soup'. Yet, till now, the nationalist forces of Congo (Leopoldville) continue to fight their way forward. They do not talk of if they will win, but only of when.

Asia provides a further example of the strength of a people's will to determine their own future. In South Vietnam 'special warfare' is being fought to hold back the tide of revolutionary change. 'Special warfare' is a concept of General Maxwell Taylor and a military extension of the creed of John Foster Dulles: let Asians fight Asians. Briefly, the technique is for the foreign power to supply the money, aircraft, military equipment of all kinds, and the strategic and tactical command from a General Staff down to officer 'advisers', while the troops of the puppet government bear the brunt of the fighting. Yet in spite of bombing raids and the immense build-up of foreign strength in the area, the people of both North and South Vietnam are proving to be unconquerable.

In other parts of Asia, in Cambodia, Laos, Indonesia, and now the Philippines, Thailand and Burma, the peoples of ex-colonial countries have stood firm and are winning battles against the allegedly superior imperialist enemy. In Latin America, despite 'final' punitive expeditions, the growing armed insurrections in Colombia, Venezuala and other countries continue to consolidate gains.

In Africa, we in Ghana have withstood all efforts by im­perialism and its agents; Tanzania has nipped subversive plots in the bud, as have Brazzaville, Uganda and Kenya. The struggle rages back and forth. The surging popular forces may still be hampered by colonialist legacies, but nonetheless they advance inexorably.

All these examples prove beyond doubt that neo-colonialism is not a sign of imperialism's strength but rather of its last hideous gasp. It testifies to its inability to rule any longer by old methods. Independence is a luxury it can no longer afford to permit its subject peoples, so that even what it claims to have 'given' it now seeks to take away.

This means that neo-colonialism can and will be defeated. How can this be done?

Thus far, all the methods of neo-colonialists have pointed in one direction, the ancient, accepted one of all minority ruling classes throughout history - divide and rule.

Quite obviously, therefore, unity is the first requisite for destroying neo-colonialism. Primary and basic is the need for an all-union government on the much divided continent of Africa. Along with that, a strengthening of the Afro-Asian Solidarity Organisation and the spirit of Bandung is already under way. To it, we must seek the adherence on an increas­ingly formal basis of our Latin American brothers.

Furthermore, all these liberatory forces have, on all major issues and at every possible instance, the support of the growing socialist sector of the world.

Finally, we must encourage and utilise to the full those still all too few yet growing instances of support for liberation and anti-colonialism inside the imperialist world itself.

To carry out such a political programme, we must all back it with national plans designed to strengthen ourselves as independent nations. An external condition for such indepen­dent development is neutrality or political non-alignment. This has been expressed in two conferences of Non-Aligned Nations during the recent past, the last of which, in Cairo in 1964, clearly and inevitably showed itself at one with the rising forcesof liberation and human dignity.

And the preconditions for all this, to which lip service is often paid but activity seldom directed, is to develop ideo­logical clarity among the anti-imperialist, anti-colonialist, pro-liberation masses of our continents. They, and they alone, make, maintain or break revolutions.

With the utmost speed, neo-colonialism must be analysed in clear and simple terms for the full mass understanding by the surging organisations of the African peoples. The All-African Trade Union Federation (AATUF) has already made a start in this direction, while the Pan-African Youth Movement, the women, journalists, farmers and others are not far behind. Bolstered with ideological clarity, these organisations, closely linked with the ruling parties where liberatory forces are in power, will prove that neo-colonialism is the symptom of imperialism's weakness and that it is defeatable. For, when all is said and done, it is the so-called little man, the bent-backed, exploited, malnourished, blood-covered fighter for independence who decides. And he invariably decides for freedom.

Neo-Colonialism, the Last Stage of imperialism


In the Introduction I attempted to set out the dilemma now facing the world. The conflict between rich and poor in the second half of the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth, which was fought out between the rich and the poor in the developed nations of the world ended in a compromise. Capitalism as a system disappeared from large areas of the world, but where socialism was established it was in its less developed rather than its more developed parts and, in fact, the revolt against capitalism had its greatest successes in those areas where early neo-colonialism had been most actively practised. In the industrially more developed countries, capitalism, far from disappearing, became infinitely stronger. This strength was only achieved by the sacrifice of two principles which had inspired early capitalism, namely the subjugation of the work­ing classes within each individual country and the exclusion of the State from any say in the control of capitalist enterprise.

By abandoning these two principles and substituting for them 'welfare states' based on high working-class living standards and on a State-regulated capitalism at home, the developed countries succeeded in exporting their internal problem and transferring the conflict between rich and poor from the national to the international stage.

Marx had argued that the development of capitalism would produce a crisis within each individual capitalist State because within each State the gap between the 'haves' and the 'have nots' would widen to a point where a conflict was inevitable and that it would be the capitalists who would be defeated. The basis of his argument is not invalidated by the fact that the conflict, which he had predicted as a national one, did not everywhere take place on a national scale but has been transferred instead to the world stage. World capitalism has postponed its crisis but only at the cost of transforming it into an international crisis. The danger is now not civil war within individual States pro­voked by intolerable conditions within those States, but inter­national war provoked ultimately by the misery of the majority of mankind who daily grow poorer and poorer.

When Africa becomes economically free and politically united, the monopolists will come face to face with their own working class in their own countries, and a new struggle will arise within which the liquidation and collapse of imperialism will be complete.

As this book has attempted to show, in the same way as the internal crisis of capitalism within the developed world arose through the uncontrolled action of national capital, so a greater crisis is being provoked today by similar uncontrolled action of international capitalism in the developing parts of the world. Before the problem can be solved it must at least be under­stood. It cannot be resolved merely by pretending that neo­-colonialism does not exist. It must be realised that the methods at present employed to solve the problem of world poverty are not likely to yield any result other than to extend the crisis.

Speaking in 1951, the then President of the United States, Mr Truman, said, 'The only kind of war we seek is the good old fight against man's ancient enemies. . . poverty, disease, hunger and illiteracy.' Sentiments of a similar nature have been re-echoed by all political leaders in the developed world but the stark fact remains: whatever wars may have been won since 1951, none of them is the war against poverty, disease, hunger and illiteracy. However little other types of war have been deliberately sought, they are the only ones which have been waged. Nothing is gained by assuming that those who express such views are insincere. The position of the leaders of the developed capitalist countries of the world are, in relation to the great neo-colonialist international combines, very similar to that which Lord Macaulay described as existing between the directors of the East India Company and their agent, Warren Hastings, who, in the eighteenth century, engaged in the wholesale plunder of India. Macaulay wrote:

'The Directors, it is true, never enjoined or applauded any crime. Far from it. Whoever examines their letters written at the time will find there are many just and humane sentiments, many excellent precepts, in short, an admirable code of political ethics. But each exultation is modified or nullified by a demand for money. . . . We by no means accuse or suspect those who framed these dispatches of hypocrisy. It is prob­able that, written 15,000 miles from the place where their orders were to be carried into effect, they never perceived the gross inconsistency of which they were guilty. But the incon­sistency was at once manifest to their lieutenant in Calcutta.

. . Hastings saw that it was absolutely necessary for him to disregard either the moral discourses or the pecuniary requi­sitions of his employers. Being forced to disobey them in something, he had to consider what kind of disobedience they would most readily pardon; and he correctly judged that the safest course would be to neglect the sermons and to find the rupees.'

Today the need both to maintain a welfare state, i.e. a parasite State at home, and to support a huge and ever-growing burden of armament costs makes it absolutely essential for developed capitalist countries to secure the maximum return in profit from such parts of the international financial complex as they control. However much private capitalism is exhorted to bring about rapid development and a rising standard of living in the less developed areas of the world, those who manipulate the system realise the inconsistency between doing this and producing at the same time the funds necessary to maintain the sinews of war and the welfare state at home. They know when it comes to the issue they will be excused if they fail to provide for a world-wide rise in the standard of living. They know they will never be forgiven it they betray the system and produce a crisis at home which either destroys the affluent State or inter­feres with its military preparedness.

Appeals to capitalism to work out a cure for the division of the world into rich and poor are likely to have no better result than the appeals of the Directors of the East India Company to Warren Hastings to ensure social justice in India. Faced with a choice, capitalism, like Hastings, will come down on the side of exploitation.

Is there then no method of avoiding the inevitable world conflict occasioned by an international class war? To accept that world conflict is inevitable is to reject any belief in co-existence or in the policy of non-alignment as practised at present by many of the countries attempting to escape from neo-colonialism. A way out is possible.

To start with, for the first time in human history the potential material resources of the world are so great that there is no need for there to be rich and poor. It is only the organisation to deploy these potential resources that is lacking. Effective world pressure can force such a redeployment, but world pressure is not exercised by appeals, however eloquent, or by arguments, however convincing. It is only achieved by deeds. It is neces­sary to secure a world realignment so that those who are at the moment the helpless victims of a system will be able in the future to exert a counter pressure. Such counter pressures do not lead to war. On the contrary, it is often their absence which constitutes the threat to peace.

A parallel can be drawn with the methods by which direct colonialism was ended. No imperial power has ever granted independence to a colony unless the forces were such that no other course was possible, and there are many instances where independence was only achieved by a war of liberation, but there are many other instances when no such war occurred. The very organisation of the forces of independence within the colony was sufficient to convince the imperial power that resistance to independence would be impossible or that the political and economic consequences of a colonial war outweighed any advantage to be gained by retaining the colony.

In the earlier chapters of this book I have set out the argument for African unity and have explained how this unity would destroy neo-colonialism in Africa. In later chapters I have explained how strong is the world position of those who profit from neo-colonialism. Nevertheless, African unity is something which is within the grasp of the African people. The foreign firms who exploit our resources long ago saw the strength to be gained from acting on a Pan-African scale. By means of interlocking directorships, cross-shareholdings and other devices, groups of apparently different companies have formed, in fact, one enormous capitalist monopoly. The only effective way to challenge this economic empire and to recover possession of our heritage, is for us also to act on a Pan­-African basis, through a Union Government.

No one would suggest that if all the peoples of Africa com­bined to establish their unity their decision could be revoked by the forces of neo-colonialism. On the contrary, faced with a new situation, those who practise neo-colonialism would adjust themselves to this new balance of world forces in exactly the same way as the capitalist world has in the past adjusted itself to any other change in the balance of power.

The danger to world peace springs not from the action of those who seek to end neo-colonialism but from the inaction of those who allow it to continue. To argue that a third world war is not inevitable is one thing, to suppose that it can be avoided by shutting our eyes to the development of a situation likely to produce it is quite another matter.

If world war is not to occur it must be prevented by positive action. This positive action is within the power of the peoples of those areas of the world which now suffer under neo­colonialism but it is only within their power if they act at once, with resolution and in unity.

vally England


Thanks for the facts presented on Imperialism,neocolonialism etc etc.The world is a centre of influence,we are trying to get the best out of the world financial/politcal order created by some few.You will have millions of artcles out there on this subject,let us not waste time on this.

Blame not the US of A,the Americans are living the best of life in today's world based on the fight and grab that the present world financial/economic system gives the american economy.She dictates how things function and must get the best.Any country in the world can do this,all you need is to fortify your strength.China might one day lead based on the present world trend.

Now,let's return to our country CAMEROON and the world bank/IMF.
Let me start by being frank,these multilateral institutions will never help any country be great,if you follow only their principles and methods you will never be great.
As for cameroon,let me name ten members of the present oligachy ruling the country:PAUL Biya,Emphriam Inoni,Polycarp Aba Aba,Atangana Mebara,Sadou Hayatou,Amadou Ali,General Semengue,Chantal Biya,Fru ndi,finally the Emir of Yagoua.

The world/IMf are talking all the economics from Havard/oxford;consolidating fiscal revenue through revenue enhancing measures,improved expenditure management,advancing public enterprise reforms,strengthening transperency and governance,reforming public enterprises,keeping strict process in the HIPC,MDRI processes,taking measures to taper off inflationary measures etc etc them.

All the above measures taken to improve public life and physical infrastructure of cameroon is music to the above ten,they with the rest of the oligachy not mention,have one ambition,be very very rich tomorrow.
They failed to realised that any riches you make be it from business or through theft can only last if the fiscal,economic,politcal situation of the countries in which those riches are can sustain such wealth long term.
Unfortunately cameroon is not such a country, because leadership thinks they can starch their wealth abroad.In the event of their loosing power they will pack and move abroad.
Brothers,i have never seen any rich man who is happy living out of his country,moreso if you have once tasted power.
The problem with cameroon is simple politicians are only interested in themselves.They care less about the world bank and cameroon.That is the basis of all cameroon's night mare.

The only solution is cameroon must get rid of bad leadership at all cost,even if it means fighting in the short run for long term gains.All the IMF/world bank policies are falling on ducks back.



Happy that you all are still harping on with the woes of our country.
It is only wishful thinking that positive change will come soon.
Will be commenting soon.

Fritzane Kiki HK

Cameroon economy is considered as one of the worst in the world due its high taxes and lack of security for businessmen.The only thing La Republique can do is to privatise and sell government properties and state owned companies due to lack of managerial skills,confidence and misappropriation of state funds.Cameroon ranking 152 is no doubt because of its high and fraudulent taxation system.Newly created Cameroonian firms,young aspiring entrepreneurs and Foreign companies are discouraged because of this poor system and are at risk to run out of business and definately most of them have no choice than to go to a more lucrative and safe location like Ghana,South Africa to invest.

It's a real shame that if not of soccer Cameroon wouldn't have been known except for his top rank in Corruption and embezzlement by 'nouveaux riches' civil servants and CPDM government bigwigs.

Fritzane Kiki
Hong Kong

Dr A A Agbormbai

It is unanimously agreed that our economic situation is at best demoralising. Yet fragmented proposals to the solution of these diversified yet interconnected problems are not the way forward.

To turn around any bad economic situation we need to take a broad, strategic look at the entire problem - as this allows us to account for the interrelationships among the separate influence-variables.

What we need is a comprehensive, well-researched, well-thought-out, realistic, and ambitious, long-term strategic plan with the aim of transforming the economy from its current state of woes into a vibrant and dynamic system that accounts for the needs of all.

This plan must take into account the success stories of African countries like Ghana and Botswana, while also drawing lessons from India, China, and South Korea.

GICAM once mentioned something along similar lines, on this blog, and I challenged them to produce a convincing plan for the government. We are still waiting for that plan.

As I see it this is the way forward for overcoming the economic obstacles that we are currently encountering.

With our economic problems at the forefront of all aspects of our country it is clear that the government must make it top priority in all its current deliberations. In fact, it must be the current preoccupation of the government and it must rise above all other considerations of governance.

Tekum Mbeng

Actions speak louder than words.

Can we all get together, invite others, set up think-tanks and draw up a comprehensive project plan to field a muscular and articulate bilingual candidate, who must be born after 1961, to run for the presidency?

The Biya regime is powerful but very dull and inarticulate. The regime lives in a bubble of dictatorship, can say what it will do (promises) but usually doesn't know how it will do those things. It will be essential to challenge Paul Biya and the CPDM to a TV debate which they will obviously decline.

There are laws in place to fend off oversea candidates running for the presidency and we need a legal strategy to overcome them.

Can we meet in London this November?


Laudable Tekum .

So Fon Lawrence, Watesih, Dr AA, Vally, Fritz, Ma Mary, Rexon, Klemanceau, Muki StoneHall ,Nche Francis,etc etc etc. I will like to hear from you on this.

I remember the issue of Independent candidates made headline news here in the post with some colleagues almost pulling my leg.

Now the call is not from me but someone who wasnt even around here then. Lets bury our differences for now and see how we can catch the rat from another point not necessarily the tail.

Over guys!


Really, actions speak louder than words! I was a contributor on this forum for some time, but later realised that just writing-up literature wouldn’t help our beloved nation any step. I’m happy for this one reaction from Tekum Mbeng, and think its worth giving a serious thought to, otherwise, we shall remain as toothless bulldogs. Its time we matched our comments with actions. It remains clear that we have lots of brains, I’m afraid most of whom are back home, with no jobs, and preparing for retirement without any. The social situation back home is a scam, and I think its time we rise up!
Clearly, we shall have lots of blacklegs with us if we take up on what we’re up to. We have to be aware of this, and not be discouraged whatsoever. I’m out of the country now, and wouldn’t mind taking an important role in this!
Biya is a gonna, and we must help him out.
That said, I’d like to propose that as we plan to indulge in any action plan, we should think of an alternative way of communication. We may have to create a website that will permit us interact freely, keeping in mind blacklegs will always be around. Guys lets give a think at this and make contributions. I trust we’ll always have a way forward!

Muki StoneHall

I believe the point raised by Tekum Mbeng is timely and all who truely believe in genuine change in Cameroon should take part in this debate.
It is perfectly in line with what I have always said here that there can still be a Cameroon without biya,Fru Ndi or the Munas.I sincerely believe we discart all existing parties and personalities and begin a fresh search for a new leader for Cameroon from a completely new angle.We could begin by outlining the complete profile of our ideal leader.From there it would be easier to establish if such a candidate could easily succeed as an independent or through a party.
The idea of meeting as suggested by Tekum Mbeng is equally a great one.But first many things need to be agreed upon online.Come on guys!


Dear All,
i have chosen to highlight a completely different subject matter mindful of the fact that it falls under a different topic.

The Douala Ports Authority(DPA) of the Republic of Cameroon is now at the austerlizt of high theft, corruption,general mismanagement poisoning,dishonesty,in short a smelly air of inevitable doom.
The rate at which merchandise is being stolen is alarmingly intense and unremitting.I would call on the President Director General of Customs to explain to business people,especially exporters and importers, the security plan put in place to wipe out this malpractice.Its needless to empasise the shame it carries.
DPA is resposible for a collosal chunk of revenue to our economy as a matter of fact.Do we hereby conclude that the systematic and rampant theft of goods from people is a justifiable way to raise this income?
Cameroon leaders should take a closer look at the Douala Ports Authority and address with immediate action this issue of theft.The fact that this malpractice has been on the increase for more than thirty years means successive Managers have been accomplices to its fulfilment.This is a 'hot potatoe'.


Yes Muki and Nkellefac

Your points are commendable. This is just the beginning.Many things will be sorted out with time as we plan. A website for the action group is premodial.

More suggestions guys. We can't lie on our laurels with the nations in disarray.


Concerning Tekum´s suggestion,I strong support the fact that it is time for Cameroonians youths to start thinking of how they can be part of the political process in Cameroon independent of the old politicians.

This idea is in line with what I and some others had sometimes brainstormed on but were enervated by the lack of a common strategy by the youths as could be seen on this forum when some have told lies and defended them so strong inoder assist those who are working to sustain the bestial regime in the name of the cpdm.

However, I think the first thing for us is to agree on a common goal and we can then work out the strategy. I say this because i still hold that the issue of an independent candidate is not necessarily the best strategy. If we can agree to speak a commom language, nothing stops us from coming up with a political force.

The above views, in no way belie my previous position for the SDF. I have being dying for the SDF because after a close examination of the political process in Cameroon, I saw the SDF as the only better option. But if I see another force that can accelerate the door closing on the CPDM,I will not give a second thought before joining such a force to contribute my own quarter to see that the cpdm becomes a thing of the past. The cpdm is a shame to all of us. If we can come out with a strategy to evict this regime not later than sooner, history will always smile with us.

Francis Nche

The idea brought forward by Tekum Mbeng on the creation of a Cameroon Liberation Movement (CLM) is the only way out. Such an idea should englobe the whole nation and the planning sessions would be done in a neutral ground like Rome or Berlin, not London or Paris for obvious reasons. I think Tekum Mbengs proposal is the first step towards liberation of Cameroon.
I know that individuals like Rexon will consider such a move as a means to undermine their determination. On the other hand it is instead the same cause which is to better the situation of Cameroonians in a long run.


Mr Francis Nche¨

Countryman, your points well noted. As for the issue of people like Rexon , dont bother much about that. I believe my friend Rexon is an understandable and intelligent man so we can always talk things out.

We need all on board guys!


Dr. Agbormbai wrote:

"GICAM once mentioned something along similar lines, on this blog, and I challenged them to produce a convincing plan for the government. We are still waiting for that plan."

Lest we forget, Doc, you are also still waiting for Biya to get back to you about sorting out the SCB swindle. Doc, you really crack me up!!

If you care to study contemporary Cameroon politics you might find out that Biya's government (and the likes of GICAM are an extension of the CPDM), listens to no Anglophone. Many before you have tried. But then again, maybe you are the chosen one. Keep waiting for GICAM's plan!

Muki StoneHall

Dear Comrades,
As we move forward I think it's equally important that we keep tract of all the important points raised so far.For those just coming in,this is where we are:

1) A proposal has been made for a completely new approach through a new leader to liberate Cameroon.
2)Such a leader should,among other things be perfectly bilingual and not older than 46.
3)This proposal has been accepted 100% by all who have spoken so far.
4)A meeting of such "liberators" should take place on a neutral ground such as Rome or Berlin for obvious reasons.
5) It is paramount for the Liberation Movement to have an independent website.

That's where we are as at now.Personally I consider the last point the most important.we need an INDEPENDENT WEBSITE where liberators can freely disclose their identities.The eventually venue for the envisaged meeting will depend partly on the locations of the interested liberators.
Let's keep thinking please.The clock is ticking.


Laudable suggestion from Tekum Mbeng.
You just mentioned something that can change the destiny of Cameroon.
I strongly support such an idea and will be glad to attend any gathering anywhere, with the aim of Liberating our Country.
We have done too much talking. Now is the time for the other alternative. Proper pressure to the government and raising awareness. I am excited about the proposal and will see how things unfold.


My Dearest Friends Of Good Faith,

I would be sitting on my conscience should I fail to embrace such a BIG move.

I've been on research - drawing a plan to change Cameroon in 20 years. This plan could help us in our meeting. And like Muki suggested ..."...We could begin by outlining the complete profile of our ideal leader..." To add...the criteria should be well worked out and convincing. People shouldn't just get up one morning and say..."guys this is the criteria I'm advancing". It must be backed up!

Now my question goes. Is there room for an independent candidate in Cameroon? I can't remember knowing anything of that sort.

More ideas on this...common guys but bear in mind that finances to run this're paramount. First things first!

Yup Muki the clock's ticking...tick-tock, tick-tock, tick-tock...


Son Of Ako.


I got the call,and i have been splitting my hair on how to move ahead.Lets keep in mind that salvation can even come from a baby.So what a youngman like Tekum Mbeng has gives an insight into the brainwracking this generation is going through.
When it comes to proposals,i think nobody will be a stranger to my mind at the opportuned moment,but for now lets lay the foundation.We can`t start talking about a website without having a General Secretariat.A General Secretariat is needed to coordinate the various proposals,financial transactions.This Secretariat may not necessarily mean a building,but some persons of high moral probity amongst us,and more importantly available.You guys still have in mind the job Langai did when some contibutors had to send proposals during the SDF convention in Bamenda.At this juncture,we need about 3 to 5 upright individuals to thrash out the preparatory work.What is primodial is that financial contributions will be levied on any of us depending on the magnitude of our activities,so the Secretariat must work out a clear cut timeline as the countdown to 20011 heats up.Lets not keep our hands too full from the onset.Lets iron out one issue after another.


To add Mukistonhall...

Are we saying that it's purely a youth afair? If then Fon's idea of forming a force would finely blend with that of Francis Che's. If we all accept the name of whatever to contain "youth" it would be fine! Our parents have failed us! They're tired...they'ed better quit the stage, go home and take care of their grand and grade-grand kids.

Who's saying what???



Watesih and Akoson

Gentlemen of honest reputation I agree with you all. So for now we need to meet probably not in London. Guys from London dont have any problem coming over anyway. It's only then that concrete things can begin.

For now we need a meeting to really start up even a secretariat and make some appointments .So guys is November OK?
Is Berlin city appropriate?
Lets hear from all of us. The rest about name, agenda etc can then be decided upon.In fact as you put it, time is running out for Biya.

I will also like to hear from Langai, Mbu,Klemancueau,Vally,etc etc etc.


Muki StoneHall

The idea's rolling and gathering steam.From the onset I had this strong conviction that things will get real serious when honest men come in.
Akoson,Watesih,thanks for knocking at the door of this great idea.We had been anxiously waiting for you guys.Your ideas are all in place.watesih's idea of a secretariat is a crucial one.Even before meeting we need some form of coordination.Maybe Langai will have some ideas.
Tayong,if you are not too occupied you could communicate an e-mail address to us through which we can reach you.The idea is to set up a network through which we can reach each other without necessary passing through this forum.Through this network we can share basic information like addresses and phone numbers.I feel we need to do quite a bit of brainstorming and careful planning before the month and venue of the meeting are named.It goes without saying that some financial sacrifices must be involved.These are basic things that need to be thrashed before the meeting is announced so that all participants to the meeting should prepare well ahead of time.
Gentlemen,treat this idea of some form of network as an important matter.I strongly feel that by the close of tomorrow all discussion on this matter(or atleast the very sensitive issues) should be carried to a different forum.
Remember that we are on a public forum and we cannot afford to have traitors in the house from the very beginning.
Gentlemen,I'm waiting.


The more reason concerted efforts needed now.......

Guys, news just filtering from Cameroon say the one time firebrand politician and John Fru Ndi's right hand man Woungly Massaga has been banned from giving any press conference on a document produced by the Catholic church on the creation of an independent electoral Commission

Massaga, it's hinted, was going also to brief the press on the mask behind John Fru Ndi's current ordeals with the legal department and the regime's hidden agenda for dragging Fru Ndi around, knowing their time is almost up!

Gentlemen , the clock is ticking over our heads the younger generation.We either make ,mar or watch it marred by Biya and cohorts.

Ma Mary and Rexon, we know your lines of action so far but then we need concerted efforts, hope you read my comments on the SCNC, so lets hear from you guys too.Maybe an email could be better than in here.


Muki StoneHall

I wish to strongly suggest and insist that we halt all serious proporsals on this idea for the moment.All those just coming in:Langai,Klemenceau,Vally,Rexon,Teribobs etc should only declare their support for it or denounce it.By the close of tomorrow would-be "Liberators" will be linked up in a more secure network where members can share information more confidently.
We have asked Tayong to do something urgent in that direction. Akoson,Watesih,you guys can lend a hand in this direction if you have a better idea.But I insist we halt all discussions on this matter until the network is established.
Keep thinking and keep working.The clock is ticking,and faster now.


Uhhhhhh....this is a public forum. Not everyone's going to applaude the initiative which I consider a fine one. Particular persons may have different agenda - Ofcourse we would respect that, though it may not be of interest to the general good of our great country. We've got "extremists" who hold dear to their own political beliefs.

Uh Muki, you may be too fast in your call. We've got different jobs and stuff. There may be some guys interested but aren't online these it would be too hasty should you label them "non liberators". Let's give them time! Nevertheless, we would continue with sending information to a private email Tayong would would be too naive to reveal all our plan here in this house. You follow?

Put brains together guys!

Son Of Ako.


Fon, it was nice chatting with you on phone. we would discuss lengthier next time. I got your point crystal clear.

Dear comrades, we shouldn't continue brainstorming online. Such issues are very sentimental. We should create some sort of a yahoo group or something.

I hope we understand.


Dear Comrades,
We are about to start a very sensitive issue and if we don´t tackle it in a mature way,it will die before we even finish conceiving it.
I have the following proposals:
1.No further brainstorming online
2.Someone should opt to collect the ideas, hence provide an email address that contributions can be channeled.He then sends the individual ideas to emails provided by those who are serious (indicated by their views on the issue; from their contribution the cordinator will get their e-mails) for further brainstorming.
3. During this time we can agree on a strategy to follow
4.Before any meeting at a venue to be chosen, some preliminary work must have been done.
5.We should work on a strategy to make it have a national representation
6. For now let us remain open without restriction (age).I will elaborate more on this point when time comes.


Dear All,

I will be coming with some interesting comments in the near future. I have been out for a while. After some careful reflection, i decided to take a couple of days out to investigate the personalities and ideologies of some commentators in this forum. As i always believe, this is not the time to mark around with other peoples future. We must act fast otherwise, CPDM employed agents like Dr AA. Tekum Mbeng will continue the reign of terror instituted by henchmen in that corrupt junta called la republique that has rendered our lives useless. I am now in England and will finish my fact finding mission on monday and will be getting back to u guys on tuesday. I took a personal decision to investigate the personalities of some unscrupulous individuals in this forum. Thankfully, we in the diasparo can understand what some unscrupulous individuals are up to.

Thank you Tayong, Akoson, Vally, Nche Francis, Ma Mary, Fritzane Kiki,Dadiceman, Ndiks, Fon for standing for the truth without any fear from the blood thirsty leaders of la republique du cameroun.

I dont have any problem with any ideology, as long as it is based on unbiased judgements. I am still on my fact finding mission and will be completing it in the south west of england soon and will get back to you guys in the next couple of days.

Thanks u all.

Muki StoneHall

As expected you have landed with very powerful points.All your points have been recorded.I'm glad we are all unanimous on this issue of online brainstorming.
We had earlier suggested that Tayong sends this communication email to us.Akoson suggested a yahoo group which is even better.It isn't really that difficult to get it started.I guess Tayong should be working on it right now and by tomorrow we'll hear from him.However,anybody who feels as to can contact me through is of paramount importance that we get connected somehow.Let's strike the iron while it's still very hot.


Hey Guys!

Just created a temporary yahoo group website for formal issues.Waiting for your emails to channel invitation for joining.

Soonest gentlemen. Great hearing from Rexon and Fon too. Ma Mary , still waiting from you too. Muki , hope you got the stuff I sent you already.

More soonest. Time is life they say.

Muki StoneHall

For those just coming in,we have just recorded the first breakthrough.It's a giant step in the right direction.True to his words,comrade Tayong has set up a yahoo group for the "Action Force".Gradually we are shifting our base to this new location.However we will be appearing on this forum to comment on matters of general interest and also to direct members to the new headquaters for inhouse matters.
Looking forward to meeting you guys in the house soonest.

vally England

I have out for some days now.

Why do you start by calling Dr. AA and Takum Mbeng,names?By doing this you are killing the initiative.What makes you think that Fon,Muki stonewall,Akoson,Tayong,Watesih,Teribobs or even me Vally, are not an associates of Dictator Biya?Boy,politics and dictator's zeal to die as leaders at all cost must not be underestimated.

In the 90's when some of us gave up every thing to join the sdf,little did we know that some day,its leaders whom been climbing the rostrum castigating Biya will ever accept any favour from the man Biya.What happened 15 years after?

I will want to championed the course to move cameroon forward,by forming or joining any political force that is free from taking sides,will be tribalised,and must reflect the general aspirations of all cameroonians.

One of the reasons why we all used pse-duo names,is to keep our identity from Biya's CENER,and fromundergroundgroupsthatwill kill to see some outdated political leaders say at the helm of their political parties.

Let'sbehonest to this course create an independent website and see,but i will still be very careful for i know our people very very well.


vally England

errors from initial contribution,

I have been out for some days now.

From underground groups that will kill to see some outdated political leaders stay

Let's be honest



You have legetimate comcerns. That not withstanding, such issues can be easily sorted out. We are all gentlemen I believe with one common goal;wellbeing of the nation.Though differences exist ,a platform can be agreed on after some gentlemanly discussions.

So my good friend, things will be fine. Still waiting on all at sundry with genuine concerns to come on board. A website is underway and soonest we sort out matters it will be up and running.

So over, countrymen!


Sorry,legitimate not legetimate


I have been out of base for a while and when I checked this blog today, I realised the momentum has been swayed to a new direction. Although this momentum lacks a specific political ideology, the spirit has been strongly and successfully fanned by an in-born desire for change and survival of Cameroonians.
Like many other initiatives before it, this one is very commendable. But I would advise the movers to identify the main problem deterring any form of political change in Cameroon. Once we have an Independent Electoral Body, there shall be an overhaul of the electoral law and may be independent candidates would then have their chance to present their vision for Cameroon. We must always remember that field politicians have identified this problem and have made proposals for a solution, pressure groups have been formed like the Cameroon Campaign Group in London, the Cameroon Diaspora group,church groups and clergymen have made glaring proposals all with varying levels of success because the electoral process in Cameroon is fundamentally flawed.
So if the said Action Group seeks to rectify the electoral process as its aim, I, as a convinced social democrat, shall offer my unflinching support to the endeavour. Until then, we can make the best proposals, field the most brilliant and bilingual candidate, prop up the youngest seed,support the most charismatic chairman, at the end of the day the results of the elections shall be tailored in the DOs office and the CPDM with its "harsh taxes that impede business in Cameroon" will forever resurface, to the detriment of us ALL.

Muki StoneHall

Your points are very very petinent and as usual portrays you as someone who is very versed with the Cameroon Political landscape.
This new initiative as we all understand is still in the nursery.It hasn't got any clear-cut ideology or political agenda or map or anything as such.The idea at the moment is to rally all those who desire genuine change in Cameroon in a common and more secure forum.When this is done then a political agenda will then be drawn up.Maybe top on such an agenda will be the fight for an Independent Electoral Commission in Cameroon.
At that time great minds like yours will be of absolute importance.What needs to be done presently,is to get all hands on deck.


Hey Guys

Good contributions here. It is really good to think of ways and means of kicking Biya and other belly politicians who have helped to cripple our beloved nation.
I am recently not available to contribute to this but I feel we should look at what Feli said critically.
Again it should be understood that the Biya government is very smart, it won't take long for them to introduce their agents into this discussion or soil/corrupt the minds of some of us here.
In such circumstances, it will be very difficult to distinguish between those with genuine intentions and those sent by Biya and his gang. Let's think very well before Biya sets in confusion.


Dear Everybody,

My sincere apologies for calling anyone names in the past. I do know a strong current when I see one. I suspect that T. Mbeng's wake-up call will generate some current/tide just a little short of a tsunami. I am amazed at the interest generated by this call. From what some contributors have said, Langai may have some experience in things of this nature; but the magnitude of this one is beyond his imagination. Langai is one who is comfortable lending support from the background, but is useless at spearheading any moves.
I suggest that Tayong should act as a pro-tem webmaster. He should get email addresses by clicking the link showing the contributor's name. He can use the addresses to invite those who have shown an interest in the matter to join the other forum. That should happen over the next few days, no rush. When we have had a good number, real business can start. I wish the initiative well. Sorry I read the postings only at 1 a.m. on 19 September.



Dear Everybody,

Langai again. I thought everyone set up their TypeKey page like mine. I just went through a good number of Posted by: links and there was no e-mail address for any of them. Tayong could instead direct contributors to an address where they will leave their e-mails for the invitation as I suggested above. Sorry for the mix-up.



Hello Feli,

You're welcome onboard. Your contribution counts.

I think we've got an agenda contrary to what Mukistonehall said. But it would be rather unwise should we openly disclose it in this forum. We've got Biya know? Secondarily once the temporal website's available the "liberators" will all move there...that's where we'll decide the venue of the meeting and expose the agenda which not only includes your speculations above, but more!

My humble contribution.

We're waiting on Tayong. Take your time though.

Son Of Ako.

Muki StoneHall

Dear Comrades,
It would be a grave error to think that a clear-cut agenda has been adopted for this new initiative.What I did mention above was just a possibilty in line with Feli's arguments.So Comrade Akoson I really did not say we have a concrete agenda.Such an issue cannot be discussed here.What we are merely doing here is directing members to the new base.If you find it difficult contacting Tayong for the new address then go through and you will be ultimately linked.
Thanks Langai for the contributions.Your advice is of great importance:no rush.


Hey Gentlemen
The momentum is gathering. The house is building up,the wake up call has been largely heeded to. We are in our numbers now. Just as Muki suggested, send your email to and I will immediately link you up.

It's promising to be more than what we have anticipated. No agenda as of now until the house is sonehow full to everyone one's expectation.

We are having representation even all the way from home.Interesting! As I said when matters will be thrashed out , a website will follow. And gentlemen , no one, I repeat ,no one can prevent us Cameroonians from expressing our views on national issues so fear of intimadation should be a thing of the past.

Waiting on us all


A recent successful 'coup d'etats' in Thailand is a shiny example to completely remove Paul Biya from power without a gun shot sound.
Secret meetings to shake the regime have been neutarlised by treachery and betrayal.All these planned meetings are encouraged but i'm not personally optimistic about its outcome.
The key issue is to adopt a more belligerent approach to solving or alleviating all of us-Cameroonians from this tyranical regime.The first step towards achieving this is to set a powerful plan to stage a massive uprising that will bring the economy to a final dead end as quickly as possible then we start afresh.This is the way foward.

Ma Mary

Njifentz --- you hope to do that with what army? Do you really think Paul Biya is the problem and removing him will be a solution? I think you misdiagnosed the problem, and thus you are recommending the wrong treatment.

This kind of talk about changing Cameroun, without the involvement of the frogs is just plain self-indulgence. Have you ever worked with the Camerounese (frogs) on these and other matters? Invite them to the group you are trying to form, and see if you can work together. I would be fascinated by your results and conclusions.

Long ago, some of us came to the bitter conclusion (based on experience) that it is not possible to work with frog on any substantive plans. You all are well intended, but do not seem to know the other side very well. Get to know him. Get to know frog. Southern Cameroonians sitting here and carrying on about changing la Republique is very peculiar indeed.

At this point, I cannot work on anything or with any group that requires the goodwill of la Republique and its citizens as part of its plan, because A. they have no goodwill to speak of B. they do not plan for the common good ever, it is a totally selfish and corrupt society.

Perhaps we are wrong, and it is possible to make a country with the Camerounese. That is for you all to prove us wrong.


i really don't know why everyday you all cry over the same thing. cameroon is what it is. me you and every one else who can't do nothing differnt is just like the rest of them that say 'le cameroon cest le cameroon'.
i had plan to start a small biz in cameroon but what the hell after talking to a few ghanian friends i decided to start in ghana. i must tell u it is a dream come true.
you all my call me as an african american will call a sista who marries outsied her race as a sellout. what matters is i don't care about people who don't care about me.
if i could i'll bring every english speaking cameroon out of cameroon to the states, even those who don't wnat to come i'll force them out. we'll be like this hispanic people over here, they might even give us a name but at the end of the day we all are living better than before.
too much talk i have said it and im saying it again will never get biya out of power.
you all are just rtrying to show us your level of education which at this time we really don't need. i say we need action.
if someone was to start a coup then u can count me in. but to sit here and write long literature aboout biya this biya that. screw that. we have been talking for tha tpast two decades and we are still here talkin.
"trop parler cest maladie"

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