II. UNCRITICAL ACCEPTANCE OF COLONIAL CULTURES
Rather than engage the process of fashioning a new political system grounded in the political usages of the 200 or so ethnic groups and tribes that make up the population of Cameroon, the new leaders of the Federation chose to remain true to alien political
cultures.
Post-independence Cameroon has been dominated by the French colonial legacy, but not without the assistance of the Anglophone political leadership. Far from seeing Cameroon's political problem as essentially a struggle between Francophones and Francophones, we can gain a better understanding if we begin looking at the problem as a "class thing."
True, the Cameroon political system is dominated by the French political tradition of centralization. But the beneficiaries of political centralization in Cameroon are not exclusively Francophones. A good number of Anglophones have benefited from the centralized system but failed to deliver beyond "self" and family and friends.
While the Anglophone political leadership must be faulted for their greed, the Francophones must also be blamed for their persistent hold on the political structures inherited from the French colonial state.
Some have risen to propound the notion that Ahmadou Ahidjo was responsible for violating parliamentary procedure in West Cameroon. This is not true, even though the eventual preponderance of Francophone political culture would compel us to think otherwise. It is true that the dominant party in East Cameroon, Ahidjo's U.C. set itself to the task of absorbing the lesser parties in both federated states to form the C.N.U. But this is the prevailing idiom of politics. Illogical though it may seem to some, the stronger
political party in political relationship will always seek to control, if not absorb, the weaker parties.
The quasi-democratic institutions established in Anglophone Cameroon by the British administration, though wobbly, remained viable bulwarks against the Francophone colonial inheritance. The major problem in Anglophone Cameroon was that the British-established institutions were inherited by a politically incompetent party--the K.D.P.D. For some inexplicable reasons, the majority of Anglophone leaders of the K.N.D.P. tended to see their political fortunes pegged, not in an autonomous Federated State of West Cameroon, with its capital in Buea, but in Ahidjo's Federation--centralized in Yaounde. On the day Prime Minister Foncha chose the title of Vice President over that of Prime Minister and decided to move to Yaounde, on that day the federated State of West Cameroon died a natural death. And with it, the Federal Republic of Cameroon.
By 1962 the Anglophone political leadership had not only lost its mettle but was completely engulfed by greed and ambition. Expediency replaced principle. And the leading Cameroonian intellectual of the day, an Anglophone named Dr. Bernard Fonlon, like so many Anglophones, was so captivated by Ahidjo's political savvy that he wrote this enchanting testimony of the President:
"There is one thing about him which I have personally witnessed for the last twenty-one years: whereas others in his position live in mortal fear of men of mind and liquidate them, President Ahidjo seeks their collaboration."
Prof. Fonlon no doubt was an honorable man. But honorable men can also be dazzled by a politician with flair. Because Ahidjo sought the counsel of Prof. Fonlon does not mean that the president was as amicable to all men of mind. If the leading Anglophone mind of the day could be so mesmerized, one can only wonder about the magnitude of Ahidjo's influence over lesser minds.
Professor Kofele-Kale has eloquently captured the essence of the dismemberment of the West Cameroon political establishment, which was also probably enchanted by the political savvy of President Ahidjo, as it unhesitatingly scrambled into Ahidjo's one-party
bandwagon:
"... the speed with which the principal Anglophone political leaders--men who had a long history of opposition to the very concept of single-party climbed into the bandwagon would suggest that their intentions were not entirely motivated by pristine ideological considerations. Individual greed, ambition, and personal aggrandizement as well as the corporate interests of their class were equally significant motivating factors."
Professor Victor Levine has similarly narrated an account of the actions of West Cameroonian politicians between 1962 and 1966 that support Professor Kofele-Kale's assessment. The said period, according to Prof. LeVine
"... witnessed a complex political ballet in which the principal parties and politicians simultaneously strove to retain their influence in the West and maneuvered to put themselves in the best possible position for the merger of all parties at the national
level."
The prime mover of this theatrical political scheme was none other than the diabolical political wit, Ahmadou Ahidjo (1924-1989). Ahidjo adeptly used his political skills to lure and then subdue the rather willing Anglophone political leadership, thus
ensuring the ascendancy and preponderance of "Francophone" political culture.
But, was Ahidjo's grand scheme good or bad for Cameroon?
III. SOLUTION: A NEW NATIONALIST ORDER
Ahidjo's grand design was definitely bad for Cameroon from the word go. The first President of Cameroon had been catapulted to power by the vagaries that accompanied a troubled nation suffering serious pangs at birth. As first president, Ahidjo was given a rare opportunity to mold Cameroonians into nationalists, transforming the various ethnic enclaves into integral national territories paying allegiance to a central state and not some tribal chieftains. But he squandered that opportunity.
As president, Ahidjo was not so much concerned about building a nation state out of the many little tribal polities that littered the territory. He seemed to be more concerned about enhancing his personal power. Even so, Ahidjo's strategy was not undertaken because
he loved himself more and his country less. He simply did not know of any other way to go about the business of national construction. It is possible that his choice of strategy was greatly influenced by his native political culture as practiced by the Fulani Lamidos of North Cameroon and the French colonial authoritarianism in which he received his political education. Furthermore, Ahidjo was ill-equipped to pursue any other strategy than the one he adopted. Because of the limitation of Ahidjo's vision, the country is embroiled today in a quagmire from which it might not extricate itself unscarred. That notwithstanding, there is hope, and to that we must now address ourselves.
Cameroonians must begin anew to rethink the manner of political system they want for their country. For my part, I think the inexorable movement is toward a democratic nation state. The difficulty however lies in the existence of a myriad of ethnic polities, each
paying allegiance to some tribal leaders, with correspondingly variant interests as well as political institutions indigenous to each. How to reconcile and then harmonize the various indigenous political institutions, and then add the best elements of the alien political usages called Francophone and Anglophone, is a task of monumental proportions now
beckoning the finest minds of the country.
Nevertheless, the monumental task ahead can be accomplished, as long as the following conditions [among others] are not only observed but implemented:
(A) NATIONALIST IDEOLOGY. Cameroonians must first develop a sense of belonging to a nation and not to ethnic polities. To achieve this goal a nationalist ideology must be fashioned and taught in schools—from kindergarten to university.
(B) TOLERANCE. Cameroonians must develop a culture of tolerance for one another, and particularly in their politics, while rallying around a nationalist ideology defining them, and to which all must be loyal. Such a culture can come to fruition through integrating it in the educational system, geared toward the obliteration of graft and envy from the national fabric. But more importantly, the encouragement of intermarriage among tribes must be made national policy--with women, the custodians of culture, acting as mediators of culture(s).
(C) DISCIPLINE. This national attribute comes from education. Discipline must be made a part and parcel of every walk of life in Cameroon. From the local market where traders leave their stalls and move into outlying streets for greater exposure; to the taxi driver who is wont to stop anywhere and everywhere at the sight of potential customers; to the high and mighty in Yaounde, who misconstrue their positions of trust for personal patrimonies, order must be brought to bear on all by the enforcement of discipline
according to the law.
(D) THE RULE OF LAW. Law, in and of itself, is just law and no more. The prevalence of the rule of law calls for a clear stipulation of the rights of citizens, imparted to the people through national educational institutions, seminars and workshops conducted in conjunction with the private sector. The question: "What does it mean to a Cameroonian?" must be answered unambiguously, so that every Cameroonian knows what is expected of him/her and what is expected of others--especially law enforcement officers. The law is designed to protect the rights of the citizenry.
(E) TRADITIONAL AUTHORITY. What to do with this relic of times past, whose usefulness in the modern state we must now question.... Entrenched as traditional
authority is, it poses the most formidable problem confronting the making of the modern state in Cameroon. It is thus because of the loyalty this institution still commands. No nation can be constructed on the foundation of divided loyalty. Any such attempt that does not first resolve the question of traditional authority cannot but yield a divided
nation. Total loyalty of the citizenry to a national ideal is the glue that binds a country together. My suggestion is that, in consultation with traditional authority, a gradual phasing out process should be set in motion, whereby, over so many decades, traditional
authority can receive an honorable passage into the next world.
(F) ANGLOPHONE/FRANCOPHONE? Inconsequential. Over time, the nationalist ideology will create a new kind of Cameroonian--devoid of colonial mentality.
(G) DEMOCRACY? The preconditions of democracy have been outlined above.
WARNING. As habits are easier to form than to eradicate, so are institutions easier to construct than to deconstruct--especially the oldest, familiar, and customary. It might take a very long time to achieve the desired goals, perhaps longer than we expect. But if we follow this blueprint, imperfect as it is, adjusting it to suit the changing times, our
progeny [if not us] will have something to work with in their attempts to realize the dream--our bequest-- of a "New Nationalist Order" in Cameroon.
Man, this is a very inconsistently written thesis, and hence that self-satisfied smirk on your face is unwarranted! I had to make sure that i wasn't reading a vapid historical account of Cameroon, with little relevance to the topic. The essay shamelessly portrayed Anglophone leaders as misfits whose political parochialism was exposed by the SEASONED politician, Ahidjo.
What you wrote in the first part of your essay was commendable, eventhough there wasn't any original material in it. I relished it, and i expected you to deliver rather subjective arguments in the promised second part. But you failed in your immediate object, and i am going to tell you why.
Now, it is very nerve-racking to keep people on tenterhooks, just to finally hit somewhat below the belt! On several occasions, i have insisted on the need for Cameroonians ( Africans) to rely on their fundamental realities in order to come up with befitting suggestions when addressing the intricacies connected with governing the challenging place. I am elated that you mentioned something similar.
In part one, you insisted that the leaders of the Federation chosed to remain true to alien political cultures, which you obviously think is disturbing. However, surprisingly in part 2, you unwittingly mentioned democracy as one of the conditions which according to you must be implemented! Is democracy not alien to Cameroon, and the whole of Africa? Has democracy ever been equitable to Africa in the first place? Your thesis fell short of prescribing an adequate government system that would cater for the two hundred or so tribes or ethnic groups that you mentioned.
Moreover, it is utterly baffling to see a man of your ripe age who probably saw better days under Ahidjo's reign, lambasting a leader whose viewpoint of a nationalistic Cameroon has all but dwindled ever since his premature exit. Never in a million times have Cameroonians enjoyed being citizens of Cameroon, or felt that desire to achieve political and economic independence for their country as they experienced under Ahidjo.
True, Ahidjo's tenure was jammed with flaws, but so is your thesis too! Frankly, to absurdly purport that the man loved himself more than his country is a complete fallacy, and an absolute misrepresentation of his character as a person. Clearly, Ahidjo wasn't a well-read guy like you and i, but atleast he deserves much more credit than you reluctantly give him. Again, surprisingly you dismiss Ahidjo's nationalist policies, only to insist on a nationalist ideology as perhaps your most outstanding prerequisite for success in Cameroon! Really funny!
All in all, i am a staunch advocate for unity when it comes to the rift between Anglophones and Francophones. There's no need to create a nation that will be doomed from the start, especially as Anglophones themselves hardly seem to tolerate each other. However, maybe i should remind you that under Ahidjo, such secessionist tendencies stemming from abject exclusion were seldom as pronounced as it is the case today. Nevertheless, with or without nationalism, the ubiquity of colonial mindset shall remain rife in Cameroon, or Africa until we are fully able to emancipate ourselves. That may take centuries if we don't take heed, i am afraid!
In my blogs you'll read alot about my take on African affairs.
Posted by: Ras Tuge | Thursday, 14 May 2009 at 02:09 PM
The Truth Shall Set You Free
by Emmanuel Konde
I understand the uproar that has greeted my “Deceptive Herd Mentality…” posting on camnetwork. But I also understand that I have done Cameroon and Cameroonians a great favor. Mine is a supreme act of benevolence from a magnanimous man. I ask you to think and not feel; to judge not my posting through the prism of short-term irrational passion but from a long-term perspective of the greater good it will bring to Cameroon, and especially to the subjects of my discourse.
From among all the noise-makers and their noise-making—all subjects of “Deceptive Heard Mentality…,” not one person has challenged the veracity of my exposé. Those who have accused me of seeking a position in Government by way of unraveling a machine of deception more than five decades in the making, have not much to offer but their pedestrian banter. My action is too virtuous to be categorized as political, too sublime to be tarnished with the cheapness of politics.
I strongly believe, and have accordingly articulated, that no grouping of people should be so deceptively domineering in a multi-ethnic polity; no grouping so vexing, callous, and disregardful of other groups. Democracy is not built on domination; it is fashioned on tolerance and acceptance of differences. Again, I understand this to be too complicated a political construction for some one-dimensional minds to understand, accept, and internalize. Even so, I have, with uncharacteristic will power, valiantly lifted the panoply of justice to unprecedented heights for all.
In as much as some may love to hate my guts, they cannot deny that I have with surgical precision dissected the machinations of a bullying group of Cameroonians, have called on them to refrain from their erstwhile practice of dissembling, and have requested of other Cameroonians to contain them. I am not one who would look askance at a neighbor with an un-ironed shirt worn straight from the dryer and not tell him that he ought to have ironed his shirt. Or, see a friend wearing dirty shoes and not tell him to polish them. Neither am I a person who wears a shirt with ring-around-the-collar. And yes, I would not permit my neighbor to wear such a shirt. We are our brothers’ keeper. The honesty I bring to everything I do in life and give to my friends and neighbors I expect them to dish out to me.
I have given you something to mull over. I do not regret one bit my posting because everything in it is the truth and nothing but the truth. There is no single revelation in my posting that is not discussed daily by non-Graffi Cameroonians in private. Some of these may profess otherwise, even disavow me and the contents of “Deceptive Herd Mentality…” But, as the taste is in the pudding, so the lie is in the content of the details. It takes for an exceptional man to do what I did, and it might surprise some that many who happen to be Graffi agree with my posting because it contains the raw grains of truth.
_____________________________
"The problem of power is how to get men of power to live for the public rather than off the public." Robert F. Kennedy
Posted by: VA Boy | Tuesday, 08 September 2009 at 08:39 PM