2011 Presidential Election: To Register Or Not To Register

By Canute Tangwa (Originally published on Chronicles from the Heartland)

Apparently, when memory takes flight, we loose a huge chunk of our ‘private literature’. There was a time when registering for elections and obtaining a voter’s card was a must. In those times, you could spend some nasty time in a police/gendarmerie cell or feel the nuisance capacity of the security apparatus if you did not possess a voter’s card.

That was the time when the inimitable George Tanni or some other press icon explained over Radio Cameroon on the eve to a one-party election that registering, possessing a voter’s card and voting are civic duties. Indeed, he or some other reporter was at pains drawing a fine line between civic duty and political duty. Seemingly, to register for elections is both a civic and political duty if we accept that “civic responsibility (is) the active participation in the public life of a community in an informed, committed, and constructive manner with a focus on the common good”.

Today, the argument has cropped up but in a completely different context: multi-party democracy. The current apathy of Cameroonians for things political underlies the hot air about registering or not for elections. Why register when your votes won’t count? Why register when the results are a foregone conclusion? Why register when one party is player and referee? Why register when the opposition looks like a pale copy of the ruling party? When answers are found to these series of whys, then Cameroonians will come out of their apparent political lethargy or inertia.

However, as per the question whether registering for elections is a civic or political duty, it came to the fore with the recent posturing of the SDF party. A posture that is both tactical and strategic going by the effervescence that it has generated in the opposite camp and the public but indicative of the tight situation the party finds itself in and if not handled deftly might be to its disadvantage.

The SDF stance runs like this: there will be no elections in Cameroon in 2011 with the present composition of ELECAM! Does the SDF have the muscle and influence to change government action or policy? In politics, actors always raise the stakes to make believe with the knowledge that implosion always occurs when overconfidence sets in. Then, the SDF turns around and says it will not boycott the 2011 presidential elections! Like in a game of chess, the SDF plays tough (first condition) and then throws a bait.

It further says it will not send representatives to the electoral commissions set up by ELECAM! By sending representatives, it gives credibility to the latter. So, let’s tarry and see whether the government removes a chip. But time is an important factor in any political game. The SDF further tells Cameroonians that they have a right to register for elections because they will be fulfilling a civic obligation and not a political one. In clear terms, the SDF as a political formation does not urge Cameroonians to register for the 2011 elections but Cameroonians have a right to do so because it is a civic duty! 

As an SDF strategist and frontline militant, Kah Wala wades in smoothly, under the umbrella of her NGO, Cameroon Ô’BOSSO, telling Cameroonians to register massively because it is in their best interest. Thus, she does not ruffle feathers within her party though newspaper headlines talk of her defiance of the chairman and her possible candidature as well as possible slamming of sanctions on pro-registration militants. If the latter comes to pass, then the SDF would have bungled an opportunity to put pressure on government and at the same time appeal for popular and international support. 

Without a doubt, the Government and its appendage, the CPDM party is concerned about Cameroonians registering for elections. In order to give credibility to the 2011 election and hush the concerns of the International Crisis Group, the US State Department and other think tanks like the Foreign Policy Research Institute and the French NGO, Le Comité Catholique Contre la Faim et pour le Développement (CCFD), the government and its acolyte, the CPDM, views the SDF as an important chip in its grand political designs. However, as an alternative, the SDF cannot get along like a sheep for slaughter. It has to extract concessions!!!      

 

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NESPROG II (2011-2021)

PREFACE. (Chairman)
1 INTRODUCTION TO THE NESPROG
1.1 What is the NESPROG?
1.2 Why CAMEROON needs a NESPROG?
1.3 The basic principles of the NESPROG
1.4 The key programmes of the NESPROG
1.5 Conclusion
2 MEETING BASIC NEEDS
2.1 Problem statement
2.2 Vision and objectives
2.3 Creating Jobs
2.4 Land reform
2.5 Housing
2.6 Water and sanitation
2.7 Energy and electrification
2.8 Telecommunications
2.9 Transport
2.10 Environment
2.11 Health care
2.12 Nutrition
2.13 Social security and social welfare
3 DEVELOPING OUR HUMAN RESOURCES
3.1 Problem statement
3.2 Vision and objectives
3.3 Education and training
3.4 Arts and culture
3.5 Sport
3.6 Youth development
4 REVAMPING THE ECONOMY
4.1 Problem statement
4.2 Vision and objectives
4.3Economic Planning and Regional Balance
4.4 Amélioration de l’environnement des affaires
4.5 Assurer la sécurité juridique des investissements
4.6 Mastering Monetary Instruments
4.7 Reform of the financial sector
4.8 Involving Diaspora Communities
4.9 Promoting Efficient Economic governance
4 10 Boosting Investments
4 10 1 Strategic measures
4 10 2 Judicial Taxation System
4 11 Efficiency and Transparency in Budgetary Management
4 12 Upgrading Infrastructures
4 13 Modernizing of Agriculture, Livestock and Fishery
4 13 1 Agriculture and Livestock Policies
4 13 2 Fisheries
4 13 3 Forestry
4 14 Developing Industry
4 15 Trade
4 16 Tourism
4 17 Science and Technology
4 18 Mining and Minerals
4 19 Regional integration

4. 20 DEMOCRATISING SOCIETY AND BUILDING A STATE OF LAW
4 20.1 Problem statement
4 20 2 Vision and objectives
5. IMPLEMENTING THE NESPROG
5 1 Problem statement
5.2 Vision and objectives
5.3 Implementing and coordinating structures
5 4 Planning frameworks
5 5 Financing the NESPROG
6. CONCLUSION

PREFACE : (Chairman)

1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 WHAT IS NESPROG?
Published in 1996 at the time when the country swore only by IMF and World Bank Structural Adjustment Programmes, NESPROG was an integrated, coherent socio-economic policy framework. It sought to mobilise Cameroonian people and the country's resources towards the final eradication of poverty and the building of a democratic and developed society.
NESPROG was supposed to be updated, at least, every seven years, in order to be in step with changes in the global economy as well as the national policy timeframe which provides for presidential elections at the end of this period. Unfortunately, the lack of means and the blocking of the democratic process that gave priority to exclusively political considerations did not make it possible. The update, today, that comes more than ten years after, takes on a completely new form, a new draft, with regard to upheavals that the global economy has witnessed for sometime as well as the immense damage that the ill-adapted structural adjustment policies and chronic poor governance caused to the economic and social fabric of the country.
Within the framework of the NESPROG, the SDF will develop when time is right detailed positions and a genuine programme of government.
The NESPROG has been drawn up by the SDF in consultation with other key political parties and non-governmental organisations (NGOs). Many university lecturers and researchers assisted in the process.
This process of consultation and joint policy formulation must continue. In that line key sectors of our society such as the business community and churches must be consulted and encouraged to participate as fully as they may choose.
Those organisations within civil society that participated in the development of the NESPROG will be encouraged by an SDF government to be active in and responsible for the effective implementation of the NESPROG.
1.2 WHY NESPROG?
1.2.1 Need to put an end to illusions
The catastrophic situation of the Cameroonian economy is certainly the result of failure in the management of its governing elite till date; however it took a turn for the worse over the last twenty years by way of a series of illusions.
The first illusion is to think that democracy has no place in the economic development of a country.
The second illusion is to believe that the path to development must necessarily come from abroad.
The third illusion consists in giving priority to palliative solutions to poverty whereas it shows simply an absence of development.

1.2.2 Democratic preconditions and institutional reforms
For a long time donors wallowed in the illusion that it was possible to turn-around the economy of a country without meddling in local politics in general. Particularly, they have for a long time been reluctant mounting pressure on governments to be more democratic. It was only from 1999 as we would see subsequently when they realized the havoc that poverty was wreaking that they came to terms with the slippages of poor governance whose main characteristic is the complete absence of democratic practices in the management of human and physical resources. In the case of Cameroon, for example, if from 1987, the year of the first programme with IMF and the World Bank, donor institutions had mounted pressure on Mr Biya to lead the country to the path of greater democracy, there would have been a reinforcement of the State of law and consequently less impunity and particularly less corruption, elements that rubbish most efforts at turning around the economy of the country.
When the situation of African countries under structural adjustment is examined on a case by case basis, we realize that the wealth of these countries in question depend in large measure on the quality of governance.
Thus, in countries where a particularly antidemocratic form of governance obtains like Cameroon, the Congo Democratic Republic or Chad, there is an explosion of numerous perversions like corruption, cronyism, nepotism and tribalism that hamper the building of viable States and the putting in place of solid and efficient political and economic institutions. Hence, a constant incapacity to formulate efficient strategies to put the economy on track.
On the other hand, where significant efforts are made to reinforce the State of law, to institutionalize democratic practices and to promote good governance, there is more rationality in approaches to issues of development and in actions aimed at promoting the general well-being. Countries like Botswana, Mauritius Island, South Africa, Morocco, Ghana, Benin, Mali or Senegal are examples.
It has been proven that contrary to certain outdated believes, democracy and good governance are more enabling to development than autocracy.

1.2.3 Need to go beyond structural adjustment programmes
In order to square up to the global economic crisis set in motion by the oil crises of 1973 and 1977 and which began to hit Cameroon from 1985, the government after hesitating for a long time embarked from 1987 on structural adjustment programmes with the IMF and the World Bank, that were presented as veritable magic recipes to resolve all the economic problems of the country. Immediately, the government dropped development planning that was so dear to President Ahidjo and reduced its economic policy to a frantic race to meet the requirements of international donor institutions.
From one failure to another, due partially to their inappropriateness to the context and, on the other hand, to the impossibility of government to respect commitments taken vis-à-vis donors, these programmes led to such a dilapidation of the economic and social fabric that poverty spread in an exponential manner.
As from 1999, the Bretton Woods institutions tried to adopt a new approach by adding to their programmes an important social component based on poverty alleviation. This was the birth in 1999 of the Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility (PRGF) in place of the Reinforced Structural Adjustment Facility (RSAF). The latter was replaced in 2000 with the highly indebted poor countries initiative (HIPC) aimed at totally or partially reducing the debt of poor countries that qualify for the initiative, including the commitment to use the reduction gains to alleviate poverty.
The admission of Cameroon to this programme led it to attain in 2006 the famous completion point that enabled it to obtain a significant reduction of the stock of its debt and a promise of financing amounting to more than CFAF 2000 billion over twenty to fifty years.
The great hopes raised by this success were quickly dashed because more than three years later, there is no improvement in the living conditions of Cameroonians. Worst of all, poverty is witnessing an upward trend in the country to a point where half of the population find themselves below the poverty line.
The SDF economic programme is thus an alternative to both the management failure of the Biya regime and the inappropriateness of structural adjustment policies imposed till date on our country by international donor institutions.
1.2.4 Poverty alleviation
Cameroon history during the last twenty seven years has been a bitter period of dictatorship, corruption and failed economic policies. The result is the generalisation of poverty and the degradation of the living conditions of Cameroonians.
With the failure of Biya government policies came the structural adjustment plans as shown above followed by the HIPC initiative with aims of alleviating poverty which has become a major concern of the international community. Furthermore, it is one of the millennium objectives adopted by the United Nations during its General Assembly of September 2000 in New York that aims at reducing poverty by half in the world by 2015. (1)

………………………………………………………………………………….
(1) The millennium objectives for 2015 are as follows: (1) Reducing extreme poverty by half, (2) Ensure primary education for all, (3) Promote equality of the sexes and women empowerment, (4) Reduce by two thirds the mortality of children of less than 5 years, (5) Reduce by three-quarters maternal mortality, (6) Fight against the propagation of diseases, particularly HIV/AIDS, (7) Ensure a sustainable environment, (8) Install a world partnership for development including aid, trade and debt reduction objectives.

Unfortunately, it is clear that the strategies used till date to combat poverty and meet the millennium objectives are far from providing the results expected. For example, according to the UN Human Development Reports, school enrolment in Cameroon was 55% of school age children in 2005 but dropped to 52.3% by 2007. This can be blamed on the exclusively social approach that guides the action of Mr Biya’s government within the framework of the HIPC initiative of the IMF and the World Bank.
With the NESPROG SDF proposes a radical change of approach with the conviction that poverty is nothing other than the manifestation of a lack of development. The SDF is convinced that to alleviate poverty in a sustainable manner, it is necessary to turn around the national economy in order for it to be on the path of a sustainable and lasting growth.

1.3 THE BASIC PRINCIPLES OF THE NESPROG
NESPROG is essentially centred on:
1.3.1 A people driven process
Cameroonian people, with their aspirations and collective determination for change, is the most important resource for NESPROG. It is focused on people's most immediate needs, and it relies, in turn, on their energies to drive the process of meeting these needs. Development is not about the delivery of goods to a passive citizenry. It is about active involvement and growing empowerment.
1.3.2 The building of a state of law
Since its birth in 1990 the SDF has been at the vanguard for the institution in Cameroon of a State of law. The foundation of a State of law entails the existence of a constitution, adopted mutually and accepted by all and which takes precedence over the entire institutional structure. That is why it is called the fundamental law.
The State of law is also characterized by the existence and separation of three traditional powers i.e the executive, legislative and the judiciary as well as an independent judiciary that renders justice dispassionately.
In a State of law, the functioning of institutions provided for by the constitution draws from the source of moral and philosophical principles shared generally by the majority of the population and feeds on a sound and dynamic democratic practice that provides for the free selection of leaders, a constant renewal of executives and constant sanction of their management.
Finally, with the globalization of exchanges, it is now indispensable for a State of law to strive for integration in an always large environment in order to draw maximum profits from coordinated synergies and to be a major actor in international cooperation.
We have not reached this stage in Cameroon. And yet, only such a State can guarantee to Cameroonians the possibility to formulate in the long-term effective development strategies to alleviate poverty, boost the economy in a sustainable manner, promote its competitiveness in order to enable it win the globalization battle.
Consequently, the SDF commits to undertake all necessary reforms to reinforce the State of law including above all the organization of a constitutional conference in charge of amending the present constitution, rewriting of the electoral law and the putting in place of an independent electoral commission and the organization of free and transparent elections at all levels in order to endow the country with legitimate leaders capable of steering the country to the path of recovery.

1.3.3The need of federalism and the principle of subsidiarity
The SDF thinks that the most appropriate way to embark on a self-reliant economic development is the putting in place of a highly decentralized state structure. The most elaborated form of political decentralization lies in a state structure of a federal nature. Generally, most developed countries and even those that record a rapid economic development are highly decentralized states.

1.3.4 The defence of social democratic values
The SDF stands for social liberalism which, while promoting the law of the free market considers that the latter must be exercised under the authority of a regulatory State which ensures fairness of general rules and the pre-eminence of the spirit of national solidarity and social justice. The economic policy of the SDF must protect private property, encourage private initiative and free competition. The role of the State is

[Nkeze Asonglefac Felix]

The Secretary General
United Nations
New York

Through the good offices of the
UN Delegation to Cameroon

Yaoundé, October 14th 2010

Subject: Update of the actual situation of our Electoral Process

Your Excellency,

With regards to the very serious and worrying state of our electoral process and the imminent risk of a major social deflagration this situation might cause if nothing is done, we herewith would like to update you on the current state of issues with respect to our initial letter addressed to you dated August 2010.

Considering the actions undertaken by ELECAM so far, the SDF notes that ELECAM has been going on with business in violation of Art. 42.4 of Law N° 2006/011 of the 29th of December 2006 that clearly stipulates that “ a decree of the President of the Republic shall duly ascertain that Elections Cameroon has been effectively put in place”. In the absence of this decree, which is the case; ELECAM is acting in pure illegality.

We therefore observed that the activities of ELECAM so far are null and void and called on ELECAM to stop entertaining electoral issues until its legality is attained by the signature of the said Presidential decree. We have also introduced a petition to the Administrative Bench of the Supreme Court in that respect.

We have witnessed with satisfaction the general call for a Consensual Electoral Code that will harmonize the actual conflicting, confusing and complicated multiple laws and hope that a code will come into reality during the upcoming November session of the National Assembly. The SDF will table a Private Member bill again during this session and hopes that all concerned, including the members of the Board and Directorate of ELECAM will use their good offices to advocate this call into reality by supporting our Private Member Bill or presenting a bill from government.

In the absence of a credible Electoral Code and an Independent Electoral Commission, which we no longer expect from this government, we believe that acceptable elections can only be organized if the eleven points we have been proposing as minimum conditions are met. We herewith update you with the actual situation with regards to these minimum conditions.

1. A new electoral register is put in place

The SDF notes the call by most if not all of the stakeholders for the drawing-up of a new electoral register in lieu and place of the actual revision of the disparate Ministry of Territorial Administration’s register.

Taking note of the response of the Chairman of ELECAM as to the fact that the revision exercise is in line with the law, and notably the point that drawing-up a new register is ordained by decree, we recall here our position that the law actually calls for a new register to be drawn-up in that:

Art. 42.1 of Law N° 2006/011 of the 29th of December 2006 stipulates that “All previous provisions repugnant hereto are repealed and shall so remain.
Art. 22 of the same law stipulates that “The Director General shall be responsible for all election operations and referendums under the supervision and control of the Electoral Board, such as:
- Drawing-up, managing, updating and keeping the national voter’s register as well as election documents and materials;
- Drawing-up and publishing voters’ lists; etc…

It is therefore evident that once the legality of ELECAM is confirmed through the missing Presidential Decree, the drawing-up of a new electoral register must be an evident conclusion.

2. The full respect of the provisions of Art. 8 & Art.13 of the law on ELECAM governing the independence and neutrality of the members of the Council and Directorate of ELECAM

The SDF notes that the lack of neutrality and credibility of the members of the board and directorate of ELECAM has been unanimously decried and the Chairman of the Board of ELECAM, recognizing this lack of neutrality at the time of their appointment, has asked Cameroonians to judge them on the basis of the work they will deliver.

The SDF reiterates its firm condemnation of this flagrant violation of Art. 8 and Art. 13 of Law N° 2006/011 of the 29th of December 2006 by the Presidential Decrees of the 30th and 31st December 2008 appointing members into the Board and Directorate of ELECAM and also reiterates that in the absence of the resignation of the concerned, the said Presidential Decrees must be annulled.

The SDF further condemns ELECAM’s call for the creation of an anti-constitutional jurisprudence whereby laws can be violated on the basis of purported outcomes that would eventually be in line with the spirit of the violated law.

3. The immediate appointment of a new Board and Directorate members into ELECAM as well as the application of the same provisions to the regional, divisional, sub-divisional and local representations.

The violation of the law is not only at the level of the Board and Directorate but goes down to all of the structures they put in place. Nowhere was there a term of reference or even a public announcement for the recruitment of the members of these structures. It was done in complete opacity and when these structures are not manned by known CPDM agents, they simply share the same offices.

4. The inclusion of biometric data on voter registers and the voter cards

There is no law that provides for the type of information that has to be carried on the voter’s register and voter’s cards. In view of the enormous difficulties and fraud that has been witnessed and constantly evidenced in past elections, we believe that a minimum amount of biometric data must be included in the voter data. We have suggested that ELECAM’s computer system be linked to the National Identification Database which has all information on Cameroonians, including pictures. Since the precondition to be registered is the presentation of the National Identity Card, its number could immediately fetch all the required data from that database and the register can immediately e updated with the available data and a voter’s cards can be printed with the available picture and fingerprint.

5. The exclusion of the Ministry of Territorial Administration from all ELECAM functions

The fundamental reason why we have gone from an elections observatory to Elections Cameroon is because the Ministry of Territorial Administration was unable to deliver a clean election. Bringing them back into the system is a plot in advance to have the upper hand of the administration control the electoral process.

6. The inclusion of participating political parties at all decision-making levels and in all commissions charged with the organization and conduct of elections

We believe that it is important for the stakeholders to be part of the decision making process and also believe that this participation should not be limited to the simple presence of the stakeholders but the stakeholders should have access to such resources as are necessary for the full accomplishment of ELECAM’s mission.

7. The utilization of the single ballot paper

The SDF notes with encouragements that ELECAM and the SDF have the same opinion as to the effectiveness and simplicity of the single ballot paper and therefore we remaini in expectation of its immediate adoption as the unique means of ballot for all future elections and call on ELECAM to introduce this with no further delay.

8. The institution of a two round presidential election

The SDF will introduce this as a Private Member Bill to the National Assembly in its November Session for a modification of the constitution to that effect. We hope that the CPDM regime will ask its parliamentarians to support that bill which is a precondition to emerge out of a Presidential Election with a President truly elected by the majority.

9. The endowment of ELECAM with Effective Financial Autonomy.

The Chairman of ELECAM has made several remarks pertaining to their budget limitations and therefore the SDF reiterates its stand to the point that only an effective financial autonomy can guarantee the required efficiency and neutrality of an electoral body and calls for provisions to be made to correct any shortcomings.

10. Clear protocols should be put in place to ban the participation of public officials and civil servants in campaigning

ELECAM must put in place clear and known protocols and sanctions must be known in advance as well to curb the rampant use of state resources during election in campaigning and the implementation of fraud for the CPDM.

11. The effective participation in elections of the Cameroonian Diaspora

It is estimated that about 20% of Cameroonians live abroad and this Diaspora contributes to a significant amount of the nation’s wellbeing. We insist that this Diaspora must be allowed to participate in the electoral process for any national election.

We sincerely hope that progress will be made and in the absence of any dialogue between the hierarchy of the party in power and the leading party of the opposition, although we have made several official calls for such dialogue to take place, we are bound to refer ourselves to you and draw your esteemed attention to use your good offices to help avert a major social deflagration in Cameroon. Progress towards clean elections in Cameroon today must be a major priority and urgency. Cameroon will not survive any new unacceptable elections.

With all due respect, please accept our renewed availability for this noble cause and our very best regards.

Ni John FRU NDI
National Chairman

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