Inch’Allah! Opposition Delivers Cameroon to Biya Again

By Fon Mndere

Nothing about Biya came as a surprise prior or during this year’s presidential election – Last minute announcement of election date, constitution of the election governing body, ELECAM, manipulating voter registers or sudden inclusion of the ‘Cameroonian Diaspora’. In fact when his government announced the inclusion of the Diaspora as part of the voting community, it was easy to fathom that the man had sensed that it would be difficult to win an election with the population at home. He needed to create a constituency that was out of the reach of his opponents and election observers - Reasons why in the US less than 400 Cameroonians were allowed to vote out of a population of approximately 700, 000. None of this came as a surprise for anybody who has been following Biya over the past twenty years.

What comes as a surprise is that after twenty years (since 1990), Cameroon’s opposition has not learned anything from the Biya game. One would have imagined that before taking the decision to go into this election, opposition candidates had something up their sleeves. But as has been demonstrated over the past few days, they had adopted an ‘inch’allah’ approach. The Social Democratic Front (SDF) after twenty years of combating Biya’s Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) was unable to develop a convincing plan that could convince Cameroonians of its seriousness to dislodge the country’s dictator. The party had no active Diaspora counter-action and unlike other serious opposition parties across the continent, seemed unable to create any visibility or diplomatic support abroad. The party has unfortunately been quick to compare itself to Biya’s CPDM instead of looking for commendable models across the world. Consequently, its perspective has been dismally inward and one-dimensional. Why would you participate in an election whose result is already known which has all the elements of fraud and manipulation?

Given that the words free and fair do not exist in the Biya vocabulary, one would have expected Cameroon’s opposition to have a plan outside of the election. The problem so far is that Cameroonians have continued to play Biya’s game. One in which he organises, arbitrates, determines  the rules and is a central player. What is sorely lacking is leadership and vision in changing the game all together and forcing Biya to play along with a new game and new rules. Cameroon’s present crop of opposition leaders lacks the acumen to do that. As this year’s election has proven, they operate on an ‘Inch’allah’ basis.

By choosing to participate in this year’s presidential election, opposition candidates made the choice to legitimate Biya and seven more years of stagnation for Cameroonians. There was no indication that any candidate had a workable counter-strategy to Biya’s rigging machinery. It seems they all adopted an ‘Insh’allah’ approach – One that says, we have no strategy, but we maintain our right to be the leaders. We have made no plan, but we are going to take a chance and Inch’Allah, we will win - Yet it is well documented that Biya has rigged every single election in Cameroon since coming to power. As Christian Cardinal Tumi argues, Cameroon has never known free and fair elections – not even during the days of the One-Party system. While at his weakest and least effective, Biya was still able to steal Fru Ndi’s victory in 1992. There was therefore no gainsaying that with an extremely weak and visionless opposition, the rigging machinery would be at its finest. In a related article last March I elaborated on the weaknesses of the SDF and Fru Ndi in particular. I also argued that his meeting with Biya was indicative of a drowning man clutching at straws. But most of all, I stated that the only action that could save Fru Ndi’s career and credibility might be to step down as leader of the party and main contestant to the presidency for the opposition. That would have brought in a new dynamic to the power tussle and a real fighting chance for the opposition. That too would have curbed the apathy presently plaguing the country. His decision to hang on and contest the election could easily be translated as an indirect endorsement of Biya.

According to the AU Observer Mission Chief of the election, Former Malian Prime Minister, Ibrahim Boubacar keita, the election was credible, free and transparent. His report states; “in the strict measure of observation, and over the covered parts of the national territory, the AU mission judges that the presidential election of 9 October 2011 respected all the necessary requirements. Hence, it considers the election as having been conducted in a free, transparent and credible manner”. Early results of this ‘free and transparent’ election indicate that Paul Biya will ‘win’. In fact certain news media have already declared his victory as history shows that Biya ‘wins’ every election he organises. Fanny Pigeaud in an article “Paul Biya, roi fainéant à perpétuité » wrote on Monday 10 October; « Au pouvoir depuis 1982, le président du Cameroun briguait hier un sixième mandat lors d’un scrutin sans enjeu dans un pays miné par la corruption et verrouillé par la répression » . Basically this article makes two things clear. Biya has ‘won’ the election (even though the final result has not been compiled) and it was an election with no real stakes (absence of a credible opposition). That is how easy the contestants made it for him to manipulate and rig the elections. In fact one might be forgiven for thinking that they deliberately decided to endorse him with their participation – for they cannot be fools. As some have argued – Inch’Allah, Biya will spring a surprise on us all and step down – God Willing!!!

 For many of these candidates, this election served as a platform for many things except a serious contestation for the Etoudi seat. Amongst the many reasons are some of the following easily discernable ones;

1)      Greed for money: One of the requirements for eligibility to run for the presidency is a deposit of CFA 5 million frs. Once approved, candidates are disbursed about CFA 25 million frs, as campaign funds. So in short, many of these so called contestants were able to make a swift profit of CFA 20 million, riding on the misery of Cameroonians.

2)      Personal Ambitions: In a country where high ranking positions are incumbent on one’s affiliation to the ruling party, there has been some worrying trends over the years. Even some of the most acerbic critics of the system have recently joined in the manipulation with the intention of either keeping their positions or being promoted to higher positions. In higher institutions of learning for instance, rectors are appointed to defend the ruling party and look out for its interests. For many of the contestants of this year’s election, personal ambition has triumphed over principle and the biggest loser remains the Cameroonian on the street.

3)      Chieftaincy Mentality: In the 2004 election, John Fru Ndi of the SDF refused to endorse and walked out on the leader of choice, selected by a majority of coalition opposition leaders. His argument being that he was the most popular leader and therefore should automatically have been the candidate of choice. It is noteworthy that he was the candidate chosen and supported by other leaders in 1992 when he ran on a Union for Change ticket. While I do not think that even such a coalition would have made much difference to the rigging machinery, that episode was indicative of how leaders such as Fru Ndi have become a impediment to the change that Cameroonians desperately need. Interestingly, major opposition leaders in former Yugoslavia put aside their personal ambitions and united behind a hitherto unknown minority party leader who eventually became president, thus bringing an end to a ruthless dictatorship.

5)      Political Deception: The likes of Bello Bouba Maigari, Issa Tchiroma and Frederic Kodock have played this game of being opposed to the Biya’s CPDM only to turn around at the last minute and throw their weight behind in order to get ministerial position. Others like Jean-Jacques Ekindi have never really belonged and would flirt with the highest bidder. His recent statement that he was willing to enter a coalition with Biya is indicative of his commitment to real change.

6)      Party Label: Many of the parties stop being active and go into hibernation as soon as the election is over. For them participation is an occasional thing that happens every once in a while when they get their share of the Biya booty and then go back to their day jobs. A candidate like Albert Ndongang seems to re-surface during elections and after that goes back to slumber, after having collected his booty.

8)      Etc, etc, etc.

Would the result have been different had these men and women not participated? Most likely not! But Biya would have lacked the kind of credibility that he gets from their participation. According to the African Union team, there was a “weak presence of opposition party representatives”. How is it that an observer mission is able to cover more ground in a country’s presidential election than the serious contenders in the opposition?

What was the alternative for these leaders?

The 1996 Constitution limited Biya to two seven year mandates. In 2008, amid opposition from Cameroonians, he amended the constitution and removed the restriction. While Cameroonians lost their lives in pre-emptive demonstrations, opposition leaders did very little to resist. Many Cameroonians have been calling for a united front that should have forced Biya to step down usher in a transitional governemnt. With the exception of Chris Fomunyoh who rightly labelled the election a ‘charade’ this participation will helped to validate Biya’s claim to legitimacy. In other countries like Egypt, we saw how sustained pressure finally resulted in Mubarak succumbing to the demands of the Egyptian public.

Opposition Leaders as an Impediment to real Change and Guilty for this year’s failure

Though having a plethora of aspiring candidates, the only party capable of giving Biya a run for his money in a free and fair election would have been the SDF. With a compromised leader, it is certain that the party was going into the election from a position of weakness. But by so doing, it also denied more vibrant and creative leaders both within and outside of the party the chance to put real pressure on Biya. In fact contesting this election was a mistake and unfortunately, it is the Cameroonian masses that will pay the price.

As we await the result, there should be no holding of breaths. Biya shall be proclaimed ‘winner’. There will be lacklustre protest from the opposition. A few people may even take to the streets. But after that, things will quieten and everyone shall return to business as usual. This would not be Biya’s fault, but that of the country’s visionless opposition.

Comments

[Dr. Peter Wuteh Vakunta]

Recourse to a Third Force to destroy both Mr. BIYA and all oppostion parties in Cameroon may be our PANACEA. When a Head of State has failed woefully to meet the aspirations of the governed and the political opposition is weak, corrupt liable to co-optation, and useless as is the case in Cameroon, the intervention of a Third Force becomes inevitable.

When the incumbent has abdicated his official duties without cause and transformed the supreme law of the land (Constitution) into worthless pieces of paper like Paul Biya has done repeatedly for 30 years in Cameroon, it becomes imperative for a Third Force to step in and correct the anomaly.

A Third Force is a neutral body with no ties to the president or opposition political parties. Generally, it is the military that steps in when politicians fail to get their acts together, but Cameroon presents a rather thorny problem: the military has been inveigled into the camp of the incumbent by means of extraordinary high salaries and perks.

On this count,Cameroonian soldiers have no compunction about rough-handling and killing ordinary citizens in the event of an uprising against Biya’s dysfunctional government. Writing on the same subject Pigeaud observes, “… le régime compte toujours sur les forces de sécurité pour compenser son manque de légimité et assurer son contrôle sur les camerounais”(83).[ … the regime relies on security forces at all times in order to make up for its lack of legitimacy and to maintain its stranglehold on the Cameroonian people.]

A Third Force could be a militia formed inside or outside the national territory, like Laurent Désiré Kabila did in Zaire to oust senile Dictator Mobutu Sese Seko. Ndzana probably had this in mind when he opined: “le vainqueur de l’élection présidentielle de ce 9 Octobre 2011, Paul Biya, n’aura aucune légitimité populaire. Il sera combattu et déposé par le peuple combattant du Cameroun” (2011) [the winner of the October 9th 2011 presidential election, Paul Biya, shall lack legitimacy in the eyes of Cameroonians. He shall be combated and deposed by the combative people of Cameroon.]

Inch Allah, this shall come to pass!

Dr.Vakunta
http://www.vakunta.blogspot.com

[J. S. Dinga]

I have my doubts about a third force. 1984 is still very fresh in my memory.

[Watesih]

The idea of third force,can hardly work with Cameroonians because our diaspora is a microcosm of the failed system back home.The tactics that keep the military from stepping in in Cameroon are the same tactics that the disapora is infested with.A third force needs money,and this money largely always comes from the diaspora.Take the example of Celestin Bedzigui,who pretends to be a mortal enemy of Biya today.He's one of the guys who accompanied Tchiroma to crave on the indulgence of Akame Mfoumou in 2004 to be the opposition flagbearer.This was just a ploy to infiltrate the opposition and break it up.They succeeded.Today,he has changed the music.Can such a slippery guy contribute anything to the third force,despite his gospels?

[Marie]

What we want to know and had wanted to know is IF NI JOHN FRU NDI can be president of today's Cameroon. We are not talking about history - 1990, 1994, etc., but we are talking of the 2011 presidential elections. The other opposition parties, even Ekindi refused to surrender to Ni John Fru Ndi and everyone went his or her own way. Now all this is history. Elections have been conducted and results are expected. Can our Internet political ANALYST tell us what strategies they have in place to ensure that Ni John Fru Ndi becomes president? Or are still confirming that Ni John Fru Ndi's fight is not against president Paul Biya, but against other opposition parties, so as to remain the main opposition leader? All the noise that Ni John Fru Ndi is making, rushing to Yaounde in fear of another house arrest in Bamenda, calling people on phone and begging and begging, is simply to ensure that he remains the main opposition leader to feed from the remains of Biya's table. This is exactly what happened during the last parliamentary elections. The number of SDF parliamentarian dropped significantly to the point that the SDF could not form a parliamentary group. Realizing the financial disavantage this would bring to him, Ni John Fru Ndi went around begging, making deals and crying until the Supreme count added the number of SDF parliamentarian to make the SDF form a parliamentary group. This is exactly what Ni John Fru Ndi is fighting to do again, making sure that he emerges the second from the presidential elections so that he represents the opposition and reaps the financial benefits. It is important to note that Ni John Fru Ndi is already at an advanced age and therefore needs to conserve certain benefits before politics leaves him. This explains why Ni John Fru Ndi must fight to be the second in this year's presidential elections. If this his last and most important dream becomes a reality, he will then go into secret deals with the CPDM that will enable president Paul Biya and the parliament to create a special status for Cameroon's main opposition leader. This will offer Ni John Fru Ndi benefits that will go beyond his retirement from politics and even death. Just like civil servants working to preserve some benefits for retirement, Ni John Fru Ndi thinks it is a crucial period for him to preserve some benefits also.

The media reported that when Ni John Fru Ndi was in the Noun, he visited Sultan Njoya, but the deals, exchanges, and arrangements made during that planned visit have not yet been made public. This is exactly what he did when then Minister of Education, Professor Joseph Owona carried heavy valises to Ni John Fru Ndi's Ntarikon palace. That Ni John Fru Ndi should be visiting Sultan Njoya, a stauch CPDM central Committee member prio to such an important and crucial presidential elections ... The deal had been done, signed and sealed and Ni John Fru Ndi is merely trying to give an impression.

Let us wait and see.

By the way there is an APPARENT LEGAL EXPERT in this forum who claims to know everything about the SDF and especially Ni John Fru Ndi. Reading his minute to minute contributions, especially when others dare write against Ni John Fru Ndi, this "EXPERT ON LEGAL NIJOHN FRU NDI matters" seems to claim to have the strategies that can remove Ni John Fru Ndi from the mess that he has created himself. Unfortunately, this "Internet noise-maker" is not known within SDF circles. Since he claims to be using his real name, that name is found NOWHERE within important SDF circles.

Marie

[Moh]

RE: Recourse to a Third Force: I am prepared to get enlisted in this 3rd Force. We are waiting for its creation. Biya must go.

[limbekid]

The 3rd force is indeed a viable option, and has always been, but that force need not be confrontational (military). Cameroon suffers from the same problem as most of Africa - lack of a vibtrant private sector, and this will always be an impediment to long term democratic aspirations.

Why is resistance so fickle? The proletariat cannot be doubly victimised. Unfortunately this is always the case in the event of confrontation. There is a disequilibrium in the labour market, with excess supply chasing too few jobs, and as a result some of the best and brightest end up working for government (and eventually get co-opted into the system) or move abroad. There is a lack of employment options for the masses and this leads to fragility in the event of shocks. All the government need do is blackmail the lucky few in the public service and resistance collapses.

Like I said before, political leverage cannot be limited to public uprising alone, the masses must have an independent economic backbone, ie there must be non-government related options for employment and survival to withstand prolonged resistance.

It is no coincidence that some of the biggest employers in most advanced democracies, are private sector oriented (Walmart in the USA; BAE Systems in Great Britain; Macdonalds in France; the automotive industry in Germany ...), while in Africa some countries earn as much as 60% of their GDP from a single resource. With economic leverage comes political leverage, as the susceptibility to the loss of private sector employment and fiscal revenue leads to a greater balance of power. Governments become less arrogant and more malleable when the masses have more employment and survival options. Such a balance can hardly be attained when the majority relies on government largesse from resource-based revenue. The public sector workers get cowed into submission and the others with little to gain soon become disinterested.

While the commentariat advances the idea of confrontation I would suggest we also examine the possibility of increased diaspora investment through aggregation and organisation.

Confrontation may succeed in the short term but eventually the masses get weary when faced with the daily realities of life.

[Watesih]

Mukete,
Everyone can see that you want to hang yourself because of me.Keep following me around and posting things under every of my write up.You are pathetically itchy for a fight,as evidenced from some of the lengthy and empthy rhetoric you console yourself with online.What worked in 2006 may not succeed in 2011.I thought you might have noticed this.From over-sabi,to professor,to legal expert.Look at the names you are giving me for expressing my opinions about Cameroon.I know you have been badly bloodied in our debates here,but don't take it too personal,to the level of trying to know whether I'm in the inner circle of the SDF.Where I am is exactly the inner circle,that's why I keep you online,slaving away struggling to put together some disjointed sentences in order to be heard and to put out the fire consuming your rotten party.You don touch bitterleaf!The SDF is firmly under Fru Ndi's control,you can create your own party.Either you are for our people,or you are against Cameroon!

[limbekid]

Chatham House analysis of post-election Cameroon:
http://allafrica.com/stories/201110121214.html

"Despite endemic poverty and the manifest lack of political expression for the vast majority, this is unlikely to result in meaningful resistance from below. Some protests are likely in the wake of elections, and may spark sporadic flashes of urban unrest, but there are few visible indications of grassroots uprising, despite wide awareness of events in North Africa. A pervasive deference to age, tradition and family, and a widely shared need to preserve stability above all else, provide powerful barriers to change. In spite of multiple provocations and a huge youth population - urbanised and largely unemployed - the population has acted with apathy rather than anger."

[Alphonse Alasah]

A very good analysis of the situation here by Fon Mndere.The opportunity when cameroonian had to stand for their rights was in 2008 when Biya amended the 1996 constitution.The lack of a credible forceful opposition to resist this change directly implied that Cameroonians were heading for for a third Biya's 7years term come 2011. AS Fon has rightly put it particpation of opposition in this election without a stategy to counter Biya's rigging machinery was a direct endorsement of Biya into his third 7 years term. As there is no united front with a common objective the post election violent will sadly only be an opportunity for the cameroonians on the street to expresss their discontent and frustration against the regime that will easily be suppressed by Biya's loyal forces. All we should pray for is a peaceful return to normal business without lost of lives or injuries.

[Marie]

Mr. Watersih, you are determined to continue to be blind to the GENERALLY accepted fact that Ni John Fru Ndi has failed and that he is working now only for his personal and selfish interests. You are also determined to continue to be blind to the GENERALLY accpted fact that Ni John Fru Ndi is not fighting against President Paul Bioya but that he is merely fighting to remain Cameroon's main opposition leader, so as to preseve and acquire the benefits attached to that status.

If you are matured enough to address my contributions, rather than been selective or making general statements, please address the points I have raised. How do you recogcile the fact that Sultan Njoya was the highest ranking politician in the country that Ni John Fru Ndi met at the very first outing for the presidential campaign? Do you agree that the supreme court had to increase the number of SDF parliamentariand before the SDF could form a parliamentary group? With the fear that the SDF could not form a parliamentary group, Ni John Fru Ndi immediately pushed Mbah Ndam into a strategic position in the National Assembly since Mbah is the person negotiating all his hidden deals with the CPDM. When the supreme court finally "dashed" the SDF a parliamentary group, Ni John Fru Ndi could not again give the post of parliamentary group leader to Mbah Ndam.

How can we be calling for accountability, with corrupt officials in prison and yet Ni John Fru Ndi is moving around with a car that has no official immatriculation, meaning that he is not making the expected payments? What has happened to the court charges against Ni John Fru Ndi and the Ntarikon Taliban fighters with Colonel Chi as captain from Bamenda for the killing of Ben Muna's support in the capital of Yaounde? Why has the case died down after all the culprits aside Ni John Fru Ndi have spent years in prison and some have died? You think a high profile case like that, taking place in the capital city where Paul Biya lives and concerning two factions of the main opposition parties can die out naturally like that? You think the case would have received the final death it is receiving if Ni John Fru Ndi was not personally involved? You think a deal was not reached to kill that case? Why is the SDF and especially Ni John Fru Ndi not raising the case of Fon Ndoh of Balikumbat? Why did Ni John Fru Ndi not raise this issue when he PUBLICLY met president Paul Biya in Bamenda? He raised the IMPORTANT ISSUE of wanting a special status for Cameroon's opposition leader to Paul Biya but ignored the plight of Lapiro de Mbanga who was in prison and at a moment when the International community was calling for his release. Was Ni John Fru Ndi's status as opposition leader more important than the situation of Laipro de Mbanga who was suffering unjustly because of the SDF? Was Ni John Fru Ndi's PUBLIC meeting with President Paul Biya not an opportunity for the issues cponcerning Lapiro and Fon Ndoh to be presented?

Do you question my account of the fact that then CPDM Minister of education, Professor Joseph Owona carried valises of Money to Ntarikon palace? Did an influential CPDM Central committee member open endorsed Ni John Fru Ndi as Cameroon's Noble Prize winner for peace during the chairman's most recent birthday in Bamenda? Many people, including former and current SDF supporters have publicly accused Ni John Fru Ndi of receiving money from the CPDM during presidential elections but Ni John Fru Ndi with all his powerfull team of lawyers and legal experts have not dragged these people to court. Can the Ebibi bookshop generate all the funds that Ni John Fru Ndi has in record time to build the mansions he has, some rented out to the very French business people he wanted to chase out of Cameroon? Where has Ni John Fru Ndi got the finances to have the thousands of cows and farms he NOW has? Although Ni John Fru Ndi is currently one of the richest in Bamenda, he will never use a franc of his personal wealth to promote the interests of the SDF. He is always moving empty handed, complaining that Paul Bioya's government has taken away all the money.

Ni John Fru Ndi is today fighting for peace. What has changed from the period that SIX SDF innocent souls were killed in Bamenda; fromn the period that many died in the 1990s, from the period that innocent people like John Kouten of Balikumbat was murdered by Fon Ndoh to the present day that Ni John Fru Ndi should be asking for "peace"? Is peace only only for those living today, and not for those who had sacrificed their lives to project Ni John Fru Ndi into finally joining Paul Biya's Njangi house? Ni John Fru Ndi used to accuse anyone who had received financial assistance form the CPDM as having eaten Biya's Soya, no matter the situation under which such assistances were offered. When he was caught pant-down eating the same Biya's Soya in darkness, he, Ni John Fru Ndi, started saying that it was Cameroonian's right to eat Biya's Soya but added that after eating the Soya they should not vote for the CPDM? Was not endorsing corruption, Mr. Watesih? Was he not openly telling the CPDM government that although he had before been refusing to eat their money, it was time for the money to be delivered? Did the CPDM not respond positively to Ni John Fru Ndi's U-turn and tell gave him money when his wife (excuse me) died? Did Ni John Fru Ndi not use CPDM government money to buy a coffin for his late wife, paid for the flighyt tickets including for his children? Was Ni John Fru Ndi, without a special status of opposition leader not receive security and protection by CPDM officials abroad when his wife was in hospital and when she died? Did Ni John Fru Ndi not receive the services of a CPDM car and driver? Has Ni John Fru Ndi tried to find out from which Budget head the financial assistance came from? Presidential Aid, as it is given to University students? And what if it was another opposition leader, say Kah Wallah, Adamou Ndam Njoya who was receiving theses assistances?

Look Mr. Watesih, Ni John Fru Ndi had demonstrated his selfish nature right during the initial struggle of the SDF. Recall that the original founding fathers had intended to use the SDF to liberate Anglophones from the bondage that the Cameroonian governments have placed them. When Ni John Fru Ndi realized that this option would block the many financial benefits he would obtain from some rich Francophones, especially the Bamilekes from his neighbouring Western province, Ni John Fru Ndi immediately abandoned the Anglophone option of the SDF and then took a U - turn to present a "National Interest". He knwe that presenting a national case would place him in a much comfortyatable position to EAT at a national level, and that the Anglophone option would limit his influence and power.

Look Mr. Watesih, rather than trying, as usual, to make general statements of FAITH to Ni John Fru Ndi, or merely selecting some items from this contribution, readers would like you to address issues raised - one by one. Readers are looking DOWN on you. Over.

Readers should excuse, I have no time to proof-read as Watesih does, for the ideas, I am sure, are understood.

Marie

[TOM]

Fighting each other on what counts not at such moments makes just no sense at all and takes us no where. if we so feel Cameroon needs order and work for the order by this, where then is the difference we strive to bring. THE POINT HERE IS FINDING A WAY OUT IF THIS ELECTIONS COME AS USUAL CROWNING ONE MAN KING OVER CAMEROON.... Lets get focus. Thanks........

[Watesih]

Marie,
First Marie is not a Cameroonian name,and I don't know who my interlocutor is.Is it a ghost or what? What is the meaning of Marie? Secondly,you'd better continue to identify yourself as Mukete,rather than play the chicken,while repeating what we already have here in the archives of this newspaper.Thirdly,you seem to be a coward,who today calls me over-sabi,legal expert,professor,fanatic,and the very next day changes to Mr.Watesih.You said you serached for my name in the inner rangs of the SDF and did not find it.Why do you therefore want to debate with an over-sabi and someone whose name doesn't appear where you would have loved? Also you asked us not to talk about 1992,that it is the past,but here you go:"What has happened to the court charges against Ni John Fru Ndi and the Ntarikon Taliban fighters with Colonel Chi as captain from Bamenda for the killing of Ben Muna's support in the capital of Yaounde?".This was in 2006 right? Are you still bitter that you guys did not succeed to cut up the SDF into pieces? If you want to engage in a debate with somebody,there must be a level-playing field.If you draw the conclusion of the debate with the very first sentence,then there's no debate:"GENERALLY accepted fact that Ni John Fru Ndi has failed and that he is working now only for his personal and selfish interests".So why are you so excited about somebody that has failed so woefully? Should readers conclude that you are either a big fool,or too jealous of somebody you will never be like all your life? Many people have different definitions for failure.I may consider as failure the fact that Nfon Mukete is almost 100 years and keeps campaigning for Paul Biya.If at 100 he is still campaigning for Biya,it means he is all consumed by greed.He wants everything for himself.Failure may also be seen in the fact that he murders political opponents,just as Fon Doh of Balikumbat does.The SDF pressured the government to send Doh, to jail,but the government issued him legal documents to contest for elections,liberated him,and finally promoted him to the central committee.This can only happen in Cameroon!Finally,I think Cameroon is not made up of one person;Fru Ndi.In fact the attempt to draw people into a debate here about Fru Ndi,is to force Cameroonians to forget where the problem is.Our problem in cameroon is dictatorship,modifying constitutions,filling Elecam with people who look as if they were walking down the last miles of their lives.Fru Ndi is not the President of Cameroon.He doesn't sign any decrees affecting our lives.He is just one of the many opposition party leaders we have in Cameroon.So if he fails ,it doesn't really matter,but if Biya fails,the consequences are catastrophic.Unfortunately he has! For 30 years,no steel factory in Cameroon,no school of architecture,no single express road,no bus assembly line,no subways,in short nothing.These are things Mukete should be debating about.At his age he can form a party and contest in elections,but here is he complaining about another man.How pathetic!I want to make this clear to Mukete,that if he wants a debate,it should be about issues affecting our people.Pick any topic and there will be a show down,but if it is about Fru Ndi,that will never happen again.We know how to use surgical strikes to defend our position,but we will not engage Cpdm lackeys in stirile bickering.

[Gerald]

What a great article..very refreshing and informative.

Couldn't agree with you more. I was also under the impression that they had something in the closet this time around.

Same 'ol same 'ol

[Mulberry Alexa Outlet]

This is all very new to me and this article really opened my eyes.Thanks for sharing with us your wisdom.

[Chi]

The quality of the questions posed naturally determine the character of the answers arrived at.

Brilliant work Fon in so eloquently capturing the political dilemma that currently has us all pulling our hair out. What next?

That we and indeed many other Cameroonians everywhere are able to participate in such healthy debate online is testimony to the progress:Academically, Technically, Socially and otherwise that is taking place in Cameroon - rather slowly, true but surely. I do not attribute any of this progress singlehandedly to either of the 2 presidents Cameroon has had. So too, I refuse to singlehandedly attribute to either of them, all the blame for the lack of progress elsewhere.

Some visionary political leaders have in the past and across the globe been credited with improving the lots of their people significantly in short periods of time- think Mandela and Ghandi for example-but history usually reveals politicians as a self-serving elitist class in the majority of cases.

Many fluorishing societies and economies do so despite and inspite of floundering political leadership. Off course at any one time, a myriad of politicians would like the top job. It is in their interest to seek it for the most part. But would a change in the president guarantee a benefit for the masses in Cameroon directly? It is unclear to me whether any of those now seeking office would steer Cameroon into greener pastures.Definitely, not singlehandedly.

Right now, I am more interested in seeing these leading figures pool together to debate issues and formulate concrete public policy, particularly concerning health, education and infrastructure:improving the power network,delivering more potable water and building roads.

The USA and most of Europe is slowly waking up to the fact that politicians can only create so many jobs. The civil service can indeed only carry so many,even in these wealthy countries.In good times, these can be split between the politicians and may even go round.

When the sh*t hits the fan however, the private sector and its entrepreneurs have to deliver the growth and pay the taxes that finance government. Even in a resource based economy like Cameroon, I beieve most of the responsibility and indeed the greatest capacity for rapid growth still lies in the masses improving and selling their skills. What skills? Any skills: technical, industrial, legal, trading, language, nursing,sport... The more the merrier. Let us make the most of what we have. After all, we have one of the highest literacy rates in Africa.

Then despite who resides in the Etoudi palace, now or in a hundred years, Cameroon will be able to take its rightful place in history. After all, there are tens of thousands of us to every one of these blundering politicians. We always hold the power regardless of appearances.

[Mbeng]

Hi! Cameroonians let's be reasonable. Which of the opposition party leaders will not seat tide if elected. I want to announce to you that our democracy is still the one party state we had before 1992. Ni Fru Ndi since becoming the leader of the SDF has helped to scatter the party than unite it. What does the constitution of the party say about leadership because he has been there in perpetuity i.e since the party was formed, that is why people like Ben Muna, Kah Walla after waiting for a chance to lead, left and started their own parties. Ndam Njoya has been leader of the UDC since its foundation. What I am saying is that Cameroonians lack a sense of unity. 22 candidates for a presidential election is a scandal, a world scandal. I advise the parties to dissolve and form a better opposition with young energetic people at the hemp of affairs of the party.

[Marie]

The irony is that Ni John Fru Ndi and his gang of blind supporters, included his "internet prophets of doom and distortion" (names withheld) complain that Paul Biya has been president for long and must be ejected from the presidency. They however pretend not to acknowledge the fact that Ni John Fru Ndi, too, has been for long as chairman and presidential candidate of the SDF. They are so one sided, narrow minded, sentimental, tribalistic and shameless that they continue to defend Ni John Fru Ndi who is actually eating from Biya's table, sustaining and supporting Biya and preventing others from ejecting Biya from the presidency. These Internet professionals in public manipulation and apparent owners of knowledge would cry loud and loud before presidential elections, and would climb on any "trouble-makers" who dare criticize Cameroon's second (after Biya) butcher of democracy, Ni John Fru Ndi. Now that election results have been released and we all expected, these Internet cry-diers" have gone into hidding, of course after hitting their heads against the rock and forcing hot red bile to flow into their eyes and heart. Will they be able to see the light and grow? Will they too be able to tell Ni John Fru Ndi in his face to "get behind me"?

I look forward to reading the "declaration" that these "Internet sellers of Illusion" are drafting in hibernation. Cameroonians have been fooled but they can not be fooled always. Ni John Fru Ndi has not seen anything yet. The "thunder" will be loud and humiliating during and after the coming legislative elections. That will be his final down fall. But will Ni John Fru Ndi openly get "married" to Paul, carrying the SDF along to the CPDM? Will he continue to be main opposition leader, pretending to criticize Paul Biya but at the same time eating in darkness and protecting Biya? Let us wait and see.

[estate planning]

This is a sensitive issue among the opposition. They have to be aware on how valid their arguments are.

[reverse mortgage calculator]

You missed #7?