Paul Biya’s Machievellian Reign over Cameroon: A Review of Michel Roger Emvana’s Les Secrets du Pouvoirs. Paris: Karthala. 2005. 290pp.Paper Back $58.45. 2-84586-684-4
Reviewer: Peter Wuteh Vakunta, Ph.D.
Emvana’s book titled Les secrets du pouvoirs is a walk through the crevices in the mind of a compulsive despot—Mr. Paul Biya, the tyrant that has misgoverned Cameroon for over four decades. Emvana creates an interesting parallel between Paul Biya and Niccolo Machiaveli when he compares the machinations of Cameroon’s President with the shenanigans of Machiaveli’s protagonist in The Prince (1977): “Le comedien du pouvoir est bel et bien assis sur son piedestal depuis plus de deux decennies, avec cette dose de machiavelisme qui le rend insaisissable”(10). Those who have read Machiaveli’s The Prince would be familiar with the diabolical precepts that this Italian writer propounded as a modus operandi for monopolizing political power in perpetuity. Paul Biya is a prototype of Machiaveli’s political strategem: “Paul Biya est la doublure du prince de Machiavel, imprévisible, attache a son trone et attentive”(34). Envana underscores the fact that Paul Biya is a bicephal political animal who appears to be what he is not: “Biya gouverne avec une cagoule. Il n’est pas celui qu’il parait être, d’où la difficulté à le caractériser “(11) The bulk of Cameroonians find it hard to paint a credible portrait of the man that has governed them for four decades. This is because Biya is a political comedian. Emvana portrays the Cameroonian President as “celui que les Camerounais connaissent mal, et les ministres, à moitié.”(27) In the author’s own words, “Biya sait autant jouer le rôle d’un felin dévorant que celui plus ruse du renard”(211). To put this differently, Paul Biya excels in the cat and mouse game. Emvana’s neologism “le Biyaisme” is a label that describes Biya’s political comedy of abstraction, governmental ineptitude and subjectivity. Biyaism, as the highest stage of Machiavelism, is anchored on the banishment of moral scruples from his thought patterns.As Emvana would have it, “Certain sociologues attribuent dès lors à Paul Biya cette dose de machiévelisme fondée sur une absence de scrupule au service d’un intêret singulier”(37).
Biyaism is an anti-people code that breeds apathy, dereliction of duty, and resentment of the governed: As Emvana puts it, “Le biyaisme est une théorie immanente, complexe, ondoyante et iconoclaste. Une théorie dont l’étude en surface conduit inéluctablement à l’apathie, à l’absentéisme, à la fainéanantise…”(27). Emvana notes that Biya is a “Roi Fainéant” who listens to no one’s voice but his own. Biyaism as a governemental paradigm draws its strength from ontological sadism. According to Emvana, Paul Biya is a sadist who “…aime voir les autres paniquer.”(243). As Emvana sees it, it is probably this sadistic penchant for deriving pleasure from the sufferings of others that has driven Biya to have recourse to occultism: “Chez Paul Biya, la relation avec le pouvoir est mythique…”(29).
Les secrets du pouvoirs is an interesting in several respects but the aspect that captivates the reader’s attention the most is the ambivalent nature of the Cameroonian Head of State. Emvana notes: “Mais tout le monde le sait, Paul Biya et ses ministres ne parlent pas toujours le même langage[i]”(81). It is not just consensus that is lacking between the President and his henchmen. They do not even meet periodically to discuss state affairs. Little wonder nothing works in Cameroon. Emvana does not mince words in his diatribe against Paul Biya who he describes as the task-master of a lame duck regime. This writer calls a spade a spade when he labels the Cameroonian Head of State an opportunist: “Biya est un opportuniste. Mais son opportunisme politique est imbibé et voilé”(77).[ii] One other intriguing aspect of Biya’s persona is his ability make believe;to dine with God and Mammon at the same time. According to Emvana, Biya believes that his governmental inspiration comes from God Almighty: “C’est Dieu qui lui a donné le pouvoir…”(77).[iii] At the same time, Biya is an afficionado of occultism. He is a member of the Rosicrucian Order. Emvana points out that Biya perceives the Rosicrucian Order as a source of protection on which he relies to hang onto power eternally: Paul Biya conçoit la Rose-Croix, peut-être, comme une protection dont se sert tout homme politique pour pérénniser son règne…”(160).[iv] This double allegiance is so mind-boggling that Emvana cannot help but ask the rhetorical question: “Comment Biya peut-il appartenir à la Rose-Croix et en même temps se vouer au culte du Christ?”(157)[v] According to Emvana, Biya is portrayed in the Western media as one of the most generous financiers of the Rosicrucian Order: “…les journaux français présentent Paul Biya comme l’un des grands financiers des temples rosicruciens…;”(157).[vi] Paradoxically, Emvana observes that “Des messes chrétiennes ont toujours lieu à Etoudi avant et depuis l’occupation des résidences présidentielles par Paul Biya”(157).[vii] According to Emvana, this is typical of Paul Biya, a man who dresses up in borrowed robes most of the time:” C’est le propre de Biya. C’est un comédien politique qui va sur une scène avec une attitude d’emprunt, et qui une fois dans les vestiaires, se débarasse de son rôle”(158).[viii] Thus, the Cameroonian Head of State is nothing else but a political chameleon that changes colors incessantly.
At the same time, Les secrets du pouvoirs is a scathing lampoon on the crippling presidential incompetence that has rendered the Republic of Cameroon dysfunctional. According to Amvana, Paul Biya nurses a morbid fear of the press in genera because he has no track-record to discuss with the media. He likens Biya to a hermit who lives abroad far longer than he lives at the presidential palace at Etoudi or in his home village of Mvomeka, As Emvana points out, “Il fuit les interviews… Il se méfie de la presse dans sa globalité”(202).[ix] He adds that Paul Biya perceives himself as an indomitable lion. The Cameroonian Head of State goes by the sobriquet of ‘l’homme-lion’ or Lion-Man. Emvana notes that “Biya a emprunté la métaphore de ‘l’homme-lion’ lors de la présidentielle de 1997”(211).[x] The significance of this nickname is that Biya subscribes to the doctrine of the law of the jungle. His political opponents acknowledge this fact. Frédéreic Kodock, for example, has described the President as “un serpent” or snake in an interview he granted the press. This metaphor compares Paul Biya’s sly nature to that of a green snake in green grass.
The succession question is a hotly debated theme in Les secrets du pouvoirs. Who will succeed Paul Biya seems to be a leitmotif that preoccupies Emvana considerably in the course of his narrative. Without offering a convincing response, the writer has the hunch that “… le successeur sortira du cercle des biyaistes. Le choix du successeur de Biya ne sera possible que dans cet entourage très réduit…”(236).[xi]However, he cautions political observers against ruling out the possibility of an outsider emerging as Paul Biya’s successor: “Toutesfois, il ne faut pas exclure totalement l’émergence d’un outsider non programmé dans les prognostics politiques”(236).[xii] In the meantime, Paul Biya is contented with simply keeping a close watch on those junkies who are vying for succession in the post-Biya era. However, the 1996 amended constitution of the Republic of Cameroon makes it abundantly clear who becomes president in the event of power vacancy in Cameroon. Article 6, section 4 of the constitution states: “En cas de vacance du président de la Republique pour cause de décès, de démission ou d’empêchement définitive constaté par le conseil constitutionnel, le scrutin pour l’élection du nouveau président de la République doit impérativement avoir lieu 20 jours au moins et 40 jours au plus après l’ouverture de la vacance”(Quoted in Les secrets du pouvoir, p.230). The 1996 constitution designates the President of the Senate as the legal successor of Mr. Biya. However, the President of the senate cannot ran for the President: “Il ne peut être candidat à l’élection organisée pour la présidence de la République”( Emvana, 231). The question that begs to the asking at this juncture is why there is so much brouhaha about presidential succession in Cameroon if the constitution leaves no room for ambiguity in the succession question). Emvana observes that this agitation stems from the fact that Paul Biya, in his quest for a strategist like himself may not respect the supreme law of the land in his ultimate choice of a successor. As Emvana would have it, “Sur les textes, Biya, en bon républicain et en parfait légaliste,, a déjà son successeur et les canons existent depuis 1996. Mais le papier ne remplace pas un président. Pour sa succession au plan humain, pratique et pragmatique,seul Biya sait. Secret d’Etat”(231).
In a nutshell, thanks to the publication of Les secrets du pouvoir, Michel Roger Emvana joins the ranks of writers like Gervais Mendo Ze and Jacques Fame Ndongo who remain firm in their belief that Paul Biya is God’s gift to Cameroonians. The book is replete with ambiguity and hyperbolic statements about the invincibility of President Biya. In his preface Emvana states upfront that his intent in crafting this book was neither to produce a panegyric laudation nor a vitriolic diatribe of Biya’s regime: “… cet opuscule n’a pas de but apologétique ou panégyrique.Il ne sert pas d’alibi à un laudateur supplémentaire, de même qu’il ne dresse pas de réquisition”(12).[xiii] Whether or not Emvana has remained true to this objective remains a moot point for readers. Les secrets du pouvoir is book that causes both grief and glee. It is should be read with a level head by politician and students of politics.This does not debar the rank and file from reading it for political awareness.
ABOUT THE REVIEWER
Professor Peter Wuteh Vakunta teaches at the U.S. Department of Defense Language Institute in Monterey-California. He is author of scores of books on linguistics, politics, second language acquisition and culture.
Notes
[i] But everyone knows that Paul Biya and his ministers do not speak with one voice.
[ii] Biya is an opportunist but his political opportunism is soused and veiled.
[iii] His power comes from God.
[iv] Paul Biya probably perceives the Rosicrucian Order as a source of protection to which every politician has recourse in a bid to stay in power perpetually.
[v] How can Biya worship the gods of AMOK and Christ?
[vi] French media portrays Paul Biya as one of the most generous donors of the Rosicrucian Order.
[vii] Christian masses have always been celebrated at Etoudi before and after Paul Biya became Head of State.
[viii] This is typical of Biya. He is a political comedian who enters the scene wearing a fake costume and soon abandons his role once on stage.
[ix] He evades press interviews… He is wary of the press in general.
[x] Biya adopted this nickname during the presidential elections of 1997.
[xi] The successor shall emerge from the close circle of Biyaists. The presidential choice will be made from this small group.
[xii] However, one should not rule out the likelihood of an outsider emerging as a political successor to Paul Biya.
[xiii] The goal of this book is not to serve as apologia or panegyric. It is not an alibi for extra praise, nor is it intended to be an indictment.
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